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US shale deals pivot to lesser-known basins

  • Market: Crude oil
  • 08/07/24

After a burst of deal-making activity that has sent Permian valuations skyrocketing and seen the best drilling locations already swap hands, buyers' attention is turning to less prominent shale basins that have been overlooked up until now.

Such was the case when US independent SM Energy splashed out $2bn for 80pc of the assets of privately held XCL Resources to gain a foothold in the Uinta basin of northeast Utah, best known for its waxy crude that is popular with refiners. The transaction marks a departure from the vast majority of deals in the past year, which have targeted the increasingly consolidated Permian basin of west Texas and New Mexico. It also represents a shift in strategy, given SM Energy is expanding beyond its core operations in the Midland basin and south Texas.

Other takeovers have seen companies combine acreage in existing basins to squeeze out savings. Chief executive Herb Vogel told analysts he had looked at other deal options, but his priority was to keep a strong balance sheet and "maintain discipline so that we wouldn't overpay for something".

About $41bn of non-Permian merger and acquisition opportunities are on the market, according to consultancy Rystad Energy. With premium acreage becoming increasingly scarce in the top-performing shale play, far-flung regions are poised totake centre stage. Another potential draw for SM Energy may have been that it sawless risk of its transaction being singled out for attention from anti-trust regulators, as several deals involving in-basin consolidation have attracted unwelcome scrutiny.

But entry into a new play, as well as concerns over its legacy assets, spooked investors and contributed to a 10pc decline in SM Energy's share price on the day the deal was announced. "It could take a couple of quarters of performance for investors to digest this activity shift and to evaluate the Uinta's potential," analysts at RBC Capital Markets say.

Producers are likely to continue the hunt for deals in lesser-known basins as they seek to scale up their inventory at reasonable prices. "A key driver of the deal, like most other transactions seen over the last few years, is adding inventory, particularly at the low end of the cost curve," consultancy Enverus principal analyst Andrew Dittmar says. The Uinta basin offers some of the highest rates of oil recovery per lateral foot in the Lower 48, according to Dittmar.

Lubricating the transaction

Parts of the basin could achieve oil production performance similar to that of the Permian, according to a recent report by data analyst Novi Labs. "The waxy nature is in high demand by refiners and upper-end lubricant markets," Vogel says. The latest acquisition hands SM Energy around 37,200 net acres, boosting its core net acreage by 14pc. It adds 43,000 b/d of oil equivalent (boe/d), increasing the company's overall production next year to 195,000 boe/d, with oil now making up more than 50pc of the mix. SM Energy also gets 390 drilling locations with breakevens of $43-57/bl, boosting the operator's inventory life by two years.

As part of the same deal, US independent Northern Oil and Gas is purchasing 20pc of the XCL assets, helping to offset the total cost for SM Energy. XCL is backed by EnCap Investments and the Rice Investment Group. It was the second exit involving an EnCap-backed company in recent weeks after independent Matador Resources acquired a unit of private equity-backed Ameredev II for $1.9bn to expand in the Permian's Delaware basin. Private equity investors, which have mainly been sellers in recent years, look set to step up their search for undervalued assets as they seek to refill their portfolios. "Combined, those forces should drive a robust market for assets and see valuations rise outside the Permian, although not fully to Permian levels," Dittmar says.


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25/03/25

Dangote to hit full operating capacity in Apr: Source

Dangote to hit full operating capacity in Apr: Source

London, 25 March (Argus) — Nigeria's independently-owned 650,000 b/d Dangote refinery is commissioning its alkylation unit, which will enable it to run its crude distillation unit (CDU) at operating capacity "some time next month", according to a source with knowledge of the matter. The source said CDU capacity is 550,000 b/d currently, although vessel tracking data suggest it is running some way below that. Crude arrivals at the refinery to date in March have fallen to between 175,000-235,000 b/d, according to preliminary data from vessel trackers Kpler and Vortexa, from 405,000 b/d in February . Throughput hit a high of 433,000 b/d in December, according to Kpler. The alkylation line, which produces high octane alkylate for gasoline blending, is the last of Dangote's secondary units to come online. Argus Consulting puts it at a nameplate capacity of 27,000 b/d. Other secondary units could be utilised at their maximum capacity once the alkylation unit is up and running, which would give a boost to gasoline blending component production. Recent lower runs at Dangote could suggest decreased output of gasoline — a key product in the local refined product market. Nigerian gasoline and blending component imports are around 345,000t to date this month, up from 245,000t in all of February. Gasoline imports in the wider west African market will be around 450,000t in April, a European gasoline trader told Argus this week. Nigeria accounts for around three quarters of the region's imports. By George Maher-Bonnett Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Nigeria expands crude supply with medium sweet Obodo


25/03/25
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25/03/25

Nigeria expands crude supply with medium sweet Obodo

London, 25 March (Argus) — A new Nigerian crude grade, medium sweet Obodo, will hit the market in April, according to sources familiar with the matter, as the west African country steadily adds to its crude offering. Obodo has a gravity of 27.65°API and a sulphur content of 0.05pc, according to an assay seen by Argus . A source said the grade is likely to be priced in line with Nigerian medium sweet Bonga. Details on production levels were not immediately available. Nigerian independent Continental Oil & Gas will produce Obodo from onshore oil block OML 150 in the Niger delta region, and state-owned NNPC will market the crude, according to two sources. NUPRC data shows Continental Oil has a stake in OML 150 under a production sharing contract — typically between the government and a private company. The newest Nigerian crude will add to a growing supply of medium sweet grades in the country. NNPC restarted production of similar-quality Utapate in 2024, which followed the launch of Nembe in 2023. Nigerian medium sweets, including Forcados, Escravos and Bonga, have predominantly found an outlet in Europe — the largest market for Nigerian crude. Obodo could also find favour with European refineries, where seasonal maintenance is scheduled to wind down by the end of April and early May. Nigerian grades have faced tepid demand in the April-trade cycle as ample availability of lower-priced alternatives such as US WTI, Caspian CPC Blend and other Mediterranean grades enticed European buyers. The trade cycle has since shifted to May, with as many as 15 April-loading Nigerian cargoes still looking for buyers, according to market participants. Nigeria's upstream regulator NUPRC in March outlined a plan to add 1.07mn b/d to the country's liquids output by December 2026. The plan forecasts an injection of capital into Nigerian oil blocks through joint ventures, production-sharing contracts and sole risk contracts. Nigeria has struggled to mobilise upstream investment and has consistently fallen short of less ambitious production growth targets in recent years. The country's crude production fell by 4.5pc on the month to 1.47mn b/d in February, according to NUPRC — just under its Opec+ quota of 1.5mn b/d. By Sanjana Shivdas and George Maher-Bonnett Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Red Sea diversions resume, but few vessels affected


24/03/25
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24/03/25

Red Sea diversions resume, but few vessels affected

London, 24 March (Argus) — Some shipping is avoiding the Red Sea again after Yemen-based Houthi forces ended a brief ceasefire, but few returned to the route in the first place. Already one clean products tanker that loaded gasoil in the Mideast Gulf in the second week of March has diverted away from the Red Sea route, vessel tracking data show. The Sti Guard, which loaded 530,000 bl of gasoil from Qatar's Ras Laffan plant on 10 March, rerouted on 14-15 March to avoid the Gulf of Aden and Bab el-Mandeb strait. The ship is now taking the longer voyage around South Africa to discharge in northwest Europe in the second half of April. The diversion comes after the Houthis announced earlier this month that they were restarting attacks on commercial shipping in retaliation for Israel preventing humanitarian aid deliveries from reaching Gaza. The US reacted to the announcement by launching a series of airstrikes targeting Houthi forces in Yemen from 15 March. The Houthis claim to have attacked US military ships in response. Yet the swift increase in the threat level for ships transiting the Bab el-Mandeb strait between Yemen and Somalia is likely to have far less impact on oil trade than when the Houthis first began attacking commercial shipping in late 2023. Much of the shipping that avoided sailing past Yemen last year did not return when the Houthis declared their ceasefire in January. Around 275,000 b/d of clean products sailed through the Bab el-Mandeb strait in February towards the Suez Canal, up from 90,000 b/d in January, after the Houthis announced a reduction in vessel attacks. But this was still substantially below the 1mn-1.2mn b/d that was moving on that route before the Houthi strikes began. On the whole, the return to the Red Sea has been slow, as the cost of additional insurance can be enough to wipe out any savings made from the shorter journey, meaning that there are only a few vessels that could divert back around the Cape of Good Hope. Cape fears Taking the Bab el-Mandeb/Suez Canal route cuts out 16 days of voyage time from the Saudi port of Ras Tanura to Rotterdam. But the financial benefits are less clear-cut. Shippers would save $700,000 in vessel hire and fuel costs compared with the longer Cape of Good Hope route. But transiting the Suez Canal requires a $525,000 fee. And shippers also have to pay an extra war risk insurance premium of around $420,000 — 0.4pc of the hull and machinery value of the tanker — to go past Yemen and run the Houthi gauntlet. Even with a 50pc no-claims discount on this war risk premium, the transit and extra insurance fees still wipe out any savings made on the shorter route. At the same time, the economics of shipping diesel from Asian refineries to Europe are becoming less favourable. Singapore 10ppm gasoil swaps have climbed to trade $23/t below Ice Rotterdam gasoil futures from discounts of $30-35/t in late February (see graph). The limited financial profit could mean that charterers will not be anxious to return to using the Suez Canal and those that have done may quickly gravitate back to taking the longer way around southern Africa without suffering any particular financial impact. Some shippers are still happy to take the shorter route, despite the heightened threat of attack. At least two clean products tankers, the Al Dasma and Sea Star, remain on track to transit the Bab el-Mandeb strait. And tankers carrying Urals crude from Russia's European ports to India are likely to continue to move through the Red Sea. Of the 53 tankers currently transporting Urals, just one is going around South Africa, Kpler data show. It is possible some vessels which recently loaded Urals in the Baltic and Black Sea could still take the cape route. By John Ollett Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Electricity drove surge in energy demand in 2024: IEA


24/03/25
News
24/03/25

Electricity drove surge in energy demand in 2024: IEA

London, 24 March (Argus) — Electricity demand drove a jump in overall global energy consumption growth in 2024, lifting it well above the average pace of increase in recent years, energy watchdog the IEA said today. Global energy demand rose by 2.2pc in 2024 — higher than the average annual demand increase of 1.3pc between 2013 and 2023 — according to the Paris-base agency's Global Energy Review . Global electricity consumption rose by 4.3pc, driven by record-high temperatures that led to increased cooling demand, growing industrial consumption, the electrification of transport and from data centres and artificial intelligence, the IEA said. Renewables and nuclear covered the majority of growth in electricity demand, at 80pc, while supply of gas-fired power generation "also increased steadily", it said. New renewable power capacity installations reached around 700GW in 2024 — a new high — while renewable power sources and nuclear together made up 40pc of total generation in 2024, it said. Global gas demand rose by 2.7pc in 2024, with an increase in "fast growing Asian markets", the IEA said. It noted growth of more than 7pc and 10pc in China and India, respectively. But "growth in global oil demand slowed markedly in 2024", the organisation said. Oil demand rose by 0.8pc — compared with 1.9pc in 2023 — and oil's share of total energy demand fell below 30pc last year "for the first time ever". A rise in electric vehicle (EV) purchases was a key contributor to the drop in oil demand for road transport, and this offset "a significant proportion" of the rise in oil consumption for aviation and petrochemicals, the IEA said. The rate of increase in coal demand slowed to 1.1pc in 2024, half the pace seen in 2023. "Intense heatwaves" in China and India "contributed more than 90pc of the total annual increase in coal consumption globally", for cooling needs, the IEA found. Renewables limit rise in emissions The IEA repeatedly noted the significant effect that extreme weather in 2024 had on energy systems and on demand patterns. Last year was the hottest ever recorded, beating the previous record set in 2023. "Weather effects contributed about 15pc of the overall increase in global energy demand", the IEA said. Global cooling degree days were 6pc higher in 2024 on the year, and 20pc higher than the 2000-20 average, it said. But the "continued rapid adoption of clean energy technologies" restricted the rise in energy-related CO2 emissions, which fell to 0.8pc in 2024 from 1.2pc in 2023, the IEA said. Energy-related CO2 emissions still hit a record high of 37.8bn t in 2024, but the rise in emissions was lower than global GDP growth, it said. "The majority of emissions growth in 2024 came from emerging and developing economies other than China," the IEA said. Emerging and developing economies accounted for more than 80pc of the increase in global energy demand last year, it said. By Georgia Gratton Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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US strikes Houthis with eye on Iran — to what end?


21/03/25
News
21/03/25

US strikes Houthis with eye on Iran — to what end?

Stoking regional tensions to get Tehran to the negotiating table appears unlikely to have Trump's desired outcome, write Nader Itayim and Bachar Halabi Dubai, 21 March (Argus) — As US president Donald Trump's administration intensifies its military campaign against Yemen's Houthis, it has issued yet another stark warning to Iran and its leadership — end support for the rebel group or face "dire" consequences. The ultimatum is in line with the ‘maximum pressure' approach Trump has adopted to force Iran back to the negotiating table. But success looks far from certain. This past week saw US forces carry out a series of air strikes against Houthi targets, soon after the rebel group said it would restart attacks on Israeli ships passing through the Red Sea and Arabian Sea, the Bab el-Mandeb strait and Gulf of Aden after Tel Aviv ignored a Houthi warning to resume the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza. The Houthi threat since late 2023 has severely curtailed international shipping lanes in the Red Sea, impacting the global economy. The Trump administration says its campaign has set out to put an end to that. The US' "economic and national security has been under attack by the Houthis for too long", Washington says. And rising shipping rates, as a result, have probably increased global consumer goods inflation by 0.6-0.7pc, according to the White House. The diversion of oil and LNG flows has been stark (see charts). Trump's message to the Houthis is that their "time is up". Although Trump's predecessor, Joe Biden, also carried out air strikes against the group, observers say the latest attacks are not just more of the same. "Is this a different campaign? 100pc it is," says Mohammed al-Basha, founder of the US-based Basha Report security advisory. Some sites targeted in the Houthi-held capital Sana'a are "a first", he says, signalling that the Houthi leadership is now firmly in Washington's crosshairs for the first time since 2015, he says. The current campaign is also more proactive than the strikes that took place last year, says general Joseph Votel, a former commander of US Central Command, which is overseeing the attacks. "Last year, our approach was more defensive, and focused on protecting ships passing through the area," he says. But this campaign is larger in scope, more geographically dispersed and more intense. Votel says the Trump campaign is more "counter-terrorism focused", which indicates a more targeted and sustained approach to degrade Houthi capabilities and put pressure on its network. Also, there is a subtle change in the strategic messaging, according to Votel. While the Biden administration mostly focused on preventing an expansion of the regional conflict, the Trump administration is making clear that its focus is on "restoring freedom of commerce and navigation". While slight, this change "takes us from a defensive posture to an offensive one", he says. Threats and opportunities Arguably, the biggest distinction between the two strategies is the degree to which Iran, the Houthis' main backer, appears to have featured in the administration's calculations before launching this latest campaign. "The hundreds of attacks being made by [the] Houthis… all emanate from, and are created by, Iran," Trump wrote via his social media platform on day three of the strikes, by which point the Houthis had claimed two retaliatory attacks on the USS Harry S Truman aircraft carrier in the Red Sea. "Every shot fired by the Houthis will be looked upon, from this point forward, as being a shot fired from the weapons and leadership of Iran, and Iran will be held responsible, and suffer the consequences, and those consequences will be dire!" This kind of tough-talking rhetoric is in keeping with Trump's strategy of applying pressure on Iran's leadership to the point that it has no choice but to negotiate the future of its nuclear programme, and ideally, more than that. "It's very clear the US wants to see sweeping concessions from Iran on the nuclear file, on the regional proxy file, and probably the missile and drone programme," says Gregory Brew, senior analyst at US consultancy Eurasia Group. "Trump ultimately wants a deal. But he also wants to look tough and push the Iranians into a deal that aligns with his maximalist view." After Iran's other regional proxies — Gaza-based Hamas and Lebanese Hezbollah — saw their capabilities heavily degraded at the hands of Israel last year, the Houthis are one of the last remaining pieces in what Tehran calls its regional ‘Axis of Resistance'. In a letter sent to Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, earlier this month, Trump says he encouraged Iran's ultimate decision maker to "make a deal" or face military action. Iran has since confirmed receipt of the letter, but is yet to formally respond, with foreign minister Abbas Araqchi saying this week that its contents are still being evaluated. "Trump's letter is mostly a threat, but he also claims it has opportunities. We are evaluating it and paying attention to all points," he says. Iran's response "will not take long", Araqchi says. But the mood music coming out of Tehran over the past two weeks has not been positive. "You've had Khamenei's tough rhetoric, laying out a tough line for everybody that [they] are not going to talk to the US," Brew says. But "Araqchi and others have clarified that what they are really pushing back against is the sense of talking under pressure. They don't want to appear as if they are succumbing to Trump's pressure. They do want to talk, but from a position of relative strength". Carrot and multiple sticks So long as Washington continues to turn the sanctions screw on Iran — just this week the Treasury for the first time imposed sanctions on a small Chinese refiner over its purchases of Iranian crude — prospects for de-escalation, or nuclear diplomacy, look slim. This raises the question — what next? For now, Trump's inferred threats of military action against Iran look premature, says Arman Mahmoudian, a research fellow at the Global and National Security Institute, especially in response to Houthi actions. Trump seems to be "employing a Reagan-era ‘peace-through-strength' strategy… focused on demonstrating force, particularly by targeting the Axis of Resistance, which is currently in a fragile position", Mahmoudian says. "By launching the strikes, Trump is signalling he has both the capability and willingness to escalate if necessary. That said, I feel his ultimate goal is negotiations, not full-scale war." Brew agrees, describing the Houthis as "an easy target". They "have been redesignated a terrorist organisation [by the US] and are in an entrenched position. So bombing them gives this administration the chance to look tough, and appear to be applying pressure on Iran, without having to take action directly". But if Washington expects such military action against the Houthis to trigger a change in posture or behaviour from the Iranians, they might be disappointed. "The Iranians won't really care if the Houthis are getting bombed. [The group has shown] over the years that they can absorb these kinds of attacks," Brew says. "But also, Iran doesn't have the same influence over, or relationship with, the Houthis as it does Hezbollah or the Shia militias in Iraq." The commander-in-chief of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has suggested as much, insisting this week that the Houthis "make their own strategic decisions" and that Iran "has no role" in determining their policies or activities. With both sides seemingly keen to talk, a return to negotiations in the not-too-distant future cannot be ruled out. But the sudden escalation of tensions in the Mideast Gulf region, following the collapse of the ceasefire in Gaza, will almost certainly make things more difficult than they already were. Oil flows through Suez Canal LNG flows through Suez Canal Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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