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Bitcoin miners help US oil producers cut flaring

  • Spanish Market: Crude oil, Emissions, Natural gas
  • 08/10/21

US oil producers are turning to an unexpected source to help solve the environmental problem of excess natural gas — cryptocurrency miners.

On remote well pads dotted across the Bakken shale play of North Dakota and Montana, shipping container-sized data centers packed with computers power energy-intensive operations of Bitcoin miners. Their computers, running around the clock to earn crypto tokens by authenticating digital transactions, are powered by natural gas-fired generators, running on gas from the oil wells that would otherwise be flared on site.

Mining for virtual currencies has attracted widespread criticism — from environmental groups to tech entrepreneur Elon Musk — because it uses vast quantities of energy, more than some nations use in a year. That has led crypto miners to try and cut down on their energy use, or at least find ways to shrink their carbon footprint.

In the Bakken, they are able to capitalize on an abundance of surplus natural gas — a common byproduct of oil production — that would otherwise be burned off given a lack of pipeline infrastructure to take it to market. The environmentally harmful practice of flaring has come under intense scrutiny from regulators, climate campaigners and investors, including fund manager Blackrock.

Companies tapping surplus gas to run their cypto-mining computer banks see a double benefit — reducing the negative impacts of gas flaring and cutting their carbon footprint.

Denver-based Crusoe Energy operates 44 data centers in Montana, North Dakota, Wyoming and Colorado, and was due to deploy another 16 units by the end of September. Plans are afoot to start an initial project in the top oil producing Permian basin of Texas and New Mexico later this year before ramping up there in 2022.

"Our systems reduce greenhouse gas emissions by the equivalent of hundreds of thousands of cars in the process, primarily by reducing the amount of methane escaping into the atmosphere from incomplete combustion in flares," company president and co-founder Cully Cavness said.

Crusoe expected to reduce flaring in areas where it is operating by almost 10mn cf/d by the end of September. Its technology lowers CO2-equivalent emissions by as much as 63pc compared with continued flaring.

The company's digital flare mitigation system is also used to support other computing intensive processes, such as artificial intelligence.

The prices of crypto currencies including Bitcoin have fluctuated wildly this year with China banning all related transactions and mining. The Chinese crackdown "plays greatly into the advantage of US-based operators as it makes available hardware for domestic projects and increases the competitiveness of American operations," Cavness said.

Equinor, Devon among crypto-miner customers

Before divesting its Bakken acreage earlier this year, Norway's state-controlled Equinor was one of the producers that sold excess gas to Crusoe and provided the company with space on a well pad for its equipment. Other clients have included Devon Energy, private-equity backed Kraken Oil & Gas, and Canadian oil firm Enerplus.

North Dakota has had targets to curb flaring since 2014, with the industry spending billions trying to solve the problem. While flaring eliminates most methane — a potent greenhouse gas — the process still emits CO2. Flaring rose to 10pc of all gas produced in July, above the current 9pc limit allowed in North Dakota, due to several natural gas processing plants being offline.

As an incentive to curb the practice, North Dakota lawmakers passed legislation earlier this year that offered operators a tax credit for installing gas flaring mitigation systems like those Crusoe operates. Crusoe qualifies for emissions reduction credits because it uses waste gas to generate electricity that would otherwise have come from the grid.

Texas regulators also have adopted a tougher stance against flaring in recent months, after previously taking a largely hands-off approach.

Jim Wright, one of three Republican commissioners on the Texas Railroad Commission, said recently that companies stuck with unwanted gas should reach out to third parties — including crypto currency miners — who can "eliminate the vast majority of emissions that flaring produces and even pay the operator for the gas."


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24/03/25

Estonian climate ministry to push for EU ETS 2 repeal

Estonian climate ministry to push for EU ETS 2 repeal

London, 24 March (Argus) — Estonia's parliament has granted the country's climate ministry a mandate to push for the repeal or postponement of the EU's second emissions trading system (ETS 2) covering road transport and buildings, scheduled to launch in 2027. The Estonian parliament's EU affairs committee granted the ministry a mandate to begin consultations with the European Commission and EU member states on repealing the EU ETS 2 directive, because of the administrative burden and uncertainty posed by transposing the measure. If Estonia fails to garner sufficient support, it will join existing proposals by the Czech Republic and Poland to postpone the introduction of the new system for two years. This additional time could be used to find a way to limit the burden of imposing the measure, the committee said. These proposals would require a qualified majority of EU member states to pass. If not adopted, Estonia's climate ministry would instead start negotiations to postpone the launch of the system to 2028 or exclude road transport from its scope. The committee approved the mandate — which followed positions submitted by the government and subsequent amendments and opinions by the parliament's environment and economic affairs committees — "after a long and heated political debate", its chairman Peeter Tali said. The commission last year adopted a supply cap of 1.036bn carbon allowances in 2027 for the new system, which will cover upstream emissions from fuel combustion in buildings, road transport and small industry not covered by the existing EU ETS. For the first three years of operation, the system will have a price cap of €45/t of CO2 equivalent, adjusted for inflation, which if surpassed for a period of two months would trigger the release of 20mn allowances from its market stability reserve. By Victoria Hatherick Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Red Sea diversions resume, but few vessels affected


24/03/25
24/03/25

Red Sea diversions resume, but few vessels affected

London, 24 March (Argus) — Some shipping is avoiding the Red Sea again after Yemen-based Houthi forces ended a brief ceasefire, but few returned to the route in the first place. Already one clean products tanker that loaded gasoil in the Mideast Gulf in the second week of March has diverted away from the Red Sea route, vessel tracking data show. The Sti Guard, which loaded 530,000 bl of gasoil from Qatar's Ras Laffan plant on 10 March, rerouted on 14-15 March to avoid the Gulf of Aden and Bab el-Mandeb strait. The ship is now taking the longer voyage around South Africa to discharge in northwest Europe in the second half of April. The diversion comes after the Houthis announced earlier this month that they were restarting attacks on commercial shipping in retaliation for Israel preventing humanitarian aid deliveries from reaching Gaza. The US reacted to the announcement by launching a series of airstrikes targeting Houthi forces in Yemen from 15 March. The Houthis claim to have attacked US military ships in response. Yet the swift increase in the threat level for ships transiting the Bab el-Mandeb strait between Yemen and Somalia is likely to have far less impact on oil trade than when the Houthis first began attacking commercial shipping in late 2023. Much of the shipping that avoided sailing past Yemen last year did not return when the Houthis declared their ceasefire in January. Around 275,000 b/d of clean products sailed through the Bab el-Mandeb strait in February towards the Suez Canal, up from 90,000 b/d in January, after the Houthis announced a reduction in vessel attacks. But this was still substantially below the 1mn-1.2mn b/d that was moving on that route before the Houthi strikes began. On the whole, the return to the Red Sea has been slow, as the cost of additional insurance can be enough to wipe out any savings made from the shorter journey, meaning that there are only a few vessels that could divert back around the Cape of Good Hope. Cape fears Taking the Bab el-Mandeb/Suez Canal route cuts out 16 days of voyage time from the Saudi port of Ras Tanura to Rotterdam. But the financial benefits are less clear-cut. Shippers would save $700,000 in vessel hire and fuel costs compared with the longer Cape of Good Hope route. But transiting the Suez Canal requires a $525,000 fee. And shippers also have to pay an extra war risk insurance premium of around $420,000 — 0.4pc of the hull and machinery value of the tanker — to go past Yemen and run the Houthi gauntlet. Even with a 50pc no-claims discount on this war risk premium, the transit and extra insurance fees still wipe out any savings made on the shorter route. At the same time, the economics of shipping diesel from Asian refineries to Europe are becoming less favourable. Singapore 10ppm gasoil swaps have climbed to trade $23/t below Ice Rotterdam gasoil futures from discounts of $30-35/t in late February (see graph). The limited financial profit could mean that charterers will not be anxious to return to using the Suez Canal and those that have done may quickly gravitate back to taking the longer way around southern Africa without suffering any particular financial impact. Some shippers are still happy to take the shorter route, despite the heightened threat of attack. At least two clean products tankers, the Al Dasma and Sea Star, remain on track to transit the Bab el-Mandeb strait. And tankers carrying Urals crude from Russia's European ports to India are likely to continue to move through the Red Sea. Of the 53 tankers currently transporting Urals, just one is going around South Africa, Kpler data show. It is possible some vessels which recently loaded Urals in the Baltic and Black Sea could still take the cape route. By John Ollett Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Electricity drove surge in energy demand in 2024: IEA


24/03/25
24/03/25

Electricity drove surge in energy demand in 2024: IEA

London, 24 March (Argus) — Electricity demand drove a jump in overall global energy consumption growth in 2024, lifting it well above the average pace of increase in recent years, energy watchdog the IEA said today. Global energy demand rose by 2.2pc in 2024 — higher than the average annual demand increase of 1.3pc between 2013 and 2023 — according to the Paris-base agency's Global Energy Review . Global electricity consumption rose by 4.3pc, driven by record-high temperatures that led to increased cooling demand, growing industrial consumption, the electrification of transport and from data centres and artificial intelligence, the IEA said. Renewables and nuclear covered the majority of growth in electricity demand, at 80pc, while supply of gas-fired power generation "also increased steadily", it said. New renewable power capacity installations reached around 700GW in 2024 — a new high — while renewable power sources and nuclear together made up 40pc of total generation in 2024, it said. Global gas demand rose by 2.7pc in 2024, with an increase in "fast growing Asian markets", the IEA said. It noted growth of more than 7pc and 10pc in China and India, respectively. But "growth in global oil demand slowed markedly in 2024", the organisation said. Oil demand rose by 0.8pc — compared with 1.9pc in 2023 — and oil's share of total energy demand fell below 30pc last year "for the first time ever". A rise in electric vehicle (EV) purchases was a key contributor to the drop in oil demand for road transport, and this offset "a significant proportion" of the rise in oil consumption for aviation and petrochemicals, the IEA said. The rate of increase in coal demand slowed to 1.1pc in 2024, half the pace seen in 2023. "Intense heatwaves" in China and India "contributed more than 90pc of the total annual increase in coal consumption globally", for cooling needs, the IEA found. Renewables limit rise in emissions The IEA repeatedly noted the significant effect that extreme weather in 2024 had on energy systems and on demand patterns. Last year was the hottest ever recorded, beating the previous record set in 2023. "Weather effects contributed about 15pc of the overall increase in global energy demand", the IEA said. Global cooling degree days were 6pc higher in 2024 on the year, and 20pc higher than the 2000-20 average, it said. But the "continued rapid adoption of clean energy technologies" restricted the rise in energy-related CO2 emissions, which fell to 0.8pc in 2024 from 1.2pc in 2023, the IEA said. Energy-related CO2 emissions still hit a record high of 37.8bn t in 2024, but the rise in emissions was lower than global GDP growth, it said. "The majority of emissions growth in 2024 came from emerging and developing economies other than China," the IEA said. Emerging and developing economies accounted for more than 80pc of the increase in global energy demand last year, it said. By Georgia Gratton Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

US strikes Houthis with eye on Iran — to what end?


21/03/25
21/03/25

US strikes Houthis with eye on Iran — to what end?

Stoking regional tensions to get Tehran to the negotiating table appears unlikely to have Trump's desired outcome, write Nader Itayim and Bachar Halabi Dubai, 21 March (Argus) — As US president Donald Trump's administration intensifies its military campaign against Yemen's Houthis, it has issued yet another stark warning to Iran and its leadership — end support for the rebel group or face "dire" consequences. The ultimatum is in line with the ‘maximum pressure' approach Trump has adopted to force Iran back to the negotiating table. But success looks far from certain. This past week saw US forces carry out a series of air strikes against Houthi targets, soon after the rebel group said it would restart attacks on Israeli ships passing through the Red Sea and Arabian Sea, the Bab el-Mandeb strait and Gulf of Aden after Tel Aviv ignored a Houthi warning to resume the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza. The Houthi threat since late 2023 has severely curtailed international shipping lanes in the Red Sea, impacting the global economy. The Trump administration says its campaign has set out to put an end to that. The US' "economic and national security has been under attack by the Houthis for too long", Washington says. And rising shipping rates, as a result, have probably increased global consumer goods inflation by 0.6-0.7pc, according to the White House. The diversion of oil and LNG flows has been stark (see charts). Trump's message to the Houthis is that their "time is up". Although Trump's predecessor, Joe Biden, also carried out air strikes against the group, observers say the latest attacks are not just more of the same. "Is this a different campaign? 100pc it is," says Mohammed al-Basha, founder of the US-based Basha Report security advisory. Some sites targeted in the Houthi-held capital Sana'a are "a first", he says, signalling that the Houthi leadership is now firmly in Washington's crosshairs for the first time since 2015, he says. The current campaign is also more proactive than the strikes that took place last year, says general Joseph Votel, a former commander of US Central Command, which is overseeing the attacks. "Last year, our approach was more defensive, and focused on protecting ships passing through the area," he says. But this campaign is larger in scope, more geographically dispersed and more intense. Votel says the Trump campaign is more "counter-terrorism focused", which indicates a more targeted and sustained approach to degrade Houthi capabilities and put pressure on its network. Also, there is a subtle change in the strategic messaging, according to Votel. While the Biden administration mostly focused on preventing an expansion of the regional conflict, the Trump administration is making clear that its focus is on "restoring freedom of commerce and navigation". While slight, this change "takes us from a defensive posture to an offensive one", he says. Threats and opportunities Arguably, the biggest distinction between the two strategies is the degree to which Iran, the Houthis' main backer, appears to have featured in the administration's calculations before launching this latest campaign. "The hundreds of attacks being made by [the] Houthis… all emanate from, and are created by, Iran," Trump wrote via his social media platform on day three of the strikes, by which point the Houthis had claimed two retaliatory attacks on the USS Harry S Truman aircraft carrier in the Red Sea. "Every shot fired by the Houthis will be looked upon, from this point forward, as being a shot fired from the weapons and leadership of Iran, and Iran will be held responsible, and suffer the consequences, and those consequences will be dire!" This kind of tough-talking rhetoric is in keeping with Trump's strategy of applying pressure on Iran's leadership to the point that it has no choice but to negotiate the future of its nuclear programme, and ideally, more than that. "It's very clear the US wants to see sweeping concessions from Iran on the nuclear file, on the regional proxy file, and probably the missile and drone programme," says Gregory Brew, senior analyst at US consultancy Eurasia Group. "Trump ultimately wants a deal. But he also wants to look tough and push the Iranians into a deal that aligns with his maximalist view." After Iran's other regional proxies — Gaza-based Hamas and Lebanese Hezbollah — saw their capabilities heavily degraded at the hands of Israel last year, the Houthis are one of the last remaining pieces in what Tehran calls its regional ‘Axis of Resistance'. In a letter sent to Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, earlier this month, Trump says he encouraged Iran's ultimate decision maker to "make a deal" or face military action. Iran has since confirmed receipt of the letter, but is yet to formally respond, with foreign minister Abbas Araqchi saying this week that its contents are still being evaluated. "Trump's letter is mostly a threat, but he also claims it has opportunities. We are evaluating it and paying attention to all points," he says. Iran's response "will not take long", Araqchi says. But the mood music coming out of Tehran over the past two weeks has not been positive. "You've had Khamenei's tough rhetoric, laying out a tough line for everybody that [they] are not going to talk to the US," Brew says. But "Araqchi and others have clarified that what they are really pushing back against is the sense of talking under pressure. They don't want to appear as if they are succumbing to Trump's pressure. They do want to talk, but from a position of relative strength". Carrot and multiple sticks So long as Washington continues to turn the sanctions screw on Iran — just this week the Treasury for the first time imposed sanctions on a small Chinese refiner over its purchases of Iranian crude — prospects for de-escalation, or nuclear diplomacy, look slim. This raises the question — what next? For now, Trump's inferred threats of military action against Iran look premature, says Arman Mahmoudian, a research fellow at the Global and National Security Institute, especially in response to Houthi actions. Trump seems to be "employing a Reagan-era ‘peace-through-strength' strategy… focused on demonstrating force, particularly by targeting the Axis of Resistance, which is currently in a fragile position", Mahmoudian says. "By launching the strikes, Trump is signalling he has both the capability and willingness to escalate if necessary. That said, I feel his ultimate goal is negotiations, not full-scale war." Brew agrees, describing the Houthis as "an easy target". They "have been redesignated a terrorist organisation [by the US] and are in an entrenched position. So bombing them gives this administration the chance to look tough, and appear to be applying pressure on Iran, without having to take action directly". But if Washington expects such military action against the Houthis to trigger a change in posture or behaviour from the Iranians, they might be disappointed. "The Iranians won't really care if the Houthis are getting bombed. [The group has shown] over the years that they can absorb these kinds of attacks," Brew says. "But also, Iran doesn't have the same influence over, or relationship with, the Houthis as it does Hezbollah or the Shia militias in Iraq." The commander-in-chief of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has suggested as much, insisting this week that the Houthis "make their own strategic decisions" and that Iran "has no role" in determining their policies or activities. With both sides seemingly keen to talk, a return to negotiations in the not-too-distant future cannot be ruled out. But the sudden escalation of tensions in the Mideast Gulf region, following the collapse of the ceasefire in Gaza, will almost certainly make things more difficult than they already were. Oil flows through Suez Canal LNG flows through Suez Canal Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

UNFCCC issues LOA template for Article 6 carbon credits


21/03/25
21/03/25

UNFCCC issues LOA template for Article 6 carbon credits

London, 21 March (Argus) — The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has issued a template for letters of authorisation (LOAs) that must be issued by host countries to allow carbon credits to be traded internationally under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement. The template lays out precisely what information a host country must receive from project developers in order to authorise their credits for trade credits under Article 6. Credits traded under the mechanism are called internationally transferred mitigation outcomes (Itmos) and count towards the buyer's nationally determined contribution. The lack of LOAs has been caused by logistical complications and the absence of standardisation across the market. These have become the key barrier to the issuance of more credits eligible to act as Itmos, according to market sources, which said a template such as this could go a long way toward unlocking more LOAs and Itmo trade. The emergence of more LOAs in the market will probably improve liquidity for credits traded under the Corsia certification scheme, for which the letters are a requirement. Up to now, airlines looking to comply with the scheme's first phase, set to run until the end of 2026, have been limited to purchasing credits from a single reducing emissions from deforestation and degradation (REDD+) project based in Guyana and certified by the Architecture for REDD+ Transactions registry. By Felix Todd Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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