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Canada’s Liberals ahead on election homestretch

  • Spanish Market: Crude oil, LPG, Natural gas
  • 25/04/25

Both parties push the need for new investment to tap non-US energy markets, but project permitting policy is a key differentiator, writes Brett Holmes

Canada's Liberal party is positioning itself to receive a fourth straight mandate on 28 April, but it must first fend off a late push by the Conservatives in an election campaign that has been closely watched by the energy sector.

The Liberals have benefited from the selection of a new leader in Mark Carney last month, combined with a considerable foe to rally against — US president Donald Trump and his verbal and economic attacks on Canada. While campaigning, Carney has tried to keep the focus on Trump's annexation and economic threats, but momentum has seemingly stalled. The Liberals led the Conservatives by a 42:38 margin on 24 April, but this is three points less than 10 days earlier, according to poll aggregator 338Canada.

The tight race has already motivated a record 7.3mn electors to cast their vote at advance polls, and the energy industry has kept a close eye on promises made by both Carney and his challenger, Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre. Both agree that pivoting away from a hostile US is critical, and that new trade corridors to Canada's coasts are key to reaching more reliable partners. But executives from major Canadian energy companies point out that there is likely to be lower-hanging fruit that can attract investment in a country where productivity has been lagging its peers. Industry leaders have pleaded for government to "reset its policies", which Carney seems less inclined to do than Poilievre.

Carney sees a future where foreign countries will demand less carbon-intensive oil and gas, meaning a proposed cap on the industry's emissions would be implemented as planned, and support for carbon capture projects would continue under a Liberal government. An overhaul of Canada's Impact Assessment Act is unnecessary, Carney says, suggesting the legislation sets major project proponents up for success because its rigour helps to avoid court battles.

But the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers (Capp) points to that legislation as the top reason why C$280bn ($200bn) of oil and gas projects were cancelled over the past decade. Repealing the law was among the "demands" Alberta premier Danielle Smith made to Carney in March, but the latter seems content to hang on to many of former prime minister Justin Trudeau's energy policies. Carney was born in Alberta, but familiarity has yet to translate into co-operative relations between federal and provincial government. Yet his desire to build new conventional energy projects marks a key departure from Trudeau.

Build, baby build

"I'm interested in getting energy infrastructure built," Carney said during the 18 April leaders' debate. "That means pipelines, that means carbon capture and storage, that means electricity grids." And the Liberals are prepared to use federal emergency powers, but consent from provinces would still be required.

The Conservatives pitch an accelerated six-month regulatory review period to "unleash" Canada's energy so as to stand up to the likes of Trump from a position of strength. The Conservatives tout shovel-ready projects that would kick-start construction as soon as they are approved by a new government. Capp estimates that Canada has C$50bn of energy investment waiting approval.

"For three Liberal terms, Canada has had the worst GDP per capita in the G7," Poilievre says. The National Bank of Canada says this primarily reflects Canada's lacklustre investment and productivity over the past decade. Canadian think-tank CD Howe Institute says this cycle can be corrected by a full overhaul of government policy, including the acceleration of permitting for major private-sector projects. Eliminating current and proposed Liberal policy would be among Poilievre's first moves to resurrect investment.


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13/11/25

US, allies fall out over Venezuela: Update

US, allies fall out over Venezuela: Update

Adds update on US operations, Venezuelan opposition comment. Washington, 13 November (Argus) — US president Donald Trump's administration is pushing back on allies' criticism of its strong-arm approach toward Venezuela — the latest point of disagreement within the G7 group of major economies. The US has built up a large naval presence near Venezuela since early September — including the Gerald R Ford aircraft carrier strike group as of 11 November — and has carried out almost 20 lethal attacks on small boats it accuses of ferrying drugs. US defense secretary Pete Hegseth on Thursday labeled efforts to remove "narco-terrorists from our hemisphere" as Operation Southern Spear, to be led by the Southern Command which oversees military forces in Central America, South America and the Caribbean. The US administration's legal pretext for the build up and Trump's statements that he is considering attacks on Venezuela's soil have come under skeptical review from US lawmakers from both parties. G7 foreign ministers ahead and during their meeting in Canada on 10-11 November expressed similar sentiments. The US strikes against boats disregard international law, French foreign minister Jean-Noel Barrot said. There is no legal basis for the US attacks, EU foreign affairs commissioner Kaja Kallas told NBC News on Wednesday. "I don't think that the EU gets to determine what international law is," US secretary of state Marco Rubio told reporters late on Wednesday. "I do find it interesting that all of these countries want us to send and supply, for example, nuclear-capable Tomahawk missiles to defend Europe, but when the US positions aircraft carriers in our hemisphere where we live, somehow that's a problem." The EU has backed Ukraine's request last month to equip Ukrainian forces with Tomahawk missiles to enable Kyiv to strike targets deep inside Russia. But Trump appears to have denied the request. The US armada assembled near Venezuela, including the Gerald R Ford group, carries an estimated 170 Tomahawks, defense experts Mark Cancian and Chris Park with think tank the Center for Security and International Studies wrote on 10 November. The Tomahawk inventory is comparable with the number of missiles the US military previously used in campaigns of limited duration, such as in Libya in 2011, the experts said. US naval maneuvers and boat strikes so far have had no impact on Venezuela's oil exports and energy shipments across the Caribbean. Chevron — allowed to resume business in Venezuela just before the naval build up began — appears to have imported 155,000 b/d to the US from Venezuela in October, based on data from Kpler ship tracking. Venezuela's crude output was at an estimated 1.1mn b/d in October. Independent refiners in China absorb the bulk of Venezuelan crude exports not loaded by Chevron. Venezuelan imports to China were at an estimated 500,000 b/d in October, with many more cargoes available than there are buyers, despite Merey discounts widening to $12/bl against Ice Brent. What next? The US has not carried out a unilateral military intervention in the western hemisphere since 1989, when it toppled Panamanian president Manuel Noriega's government and transported him to the US where he was convicted in court of involvement in drug trafficking. Trump, Rubio and other US officials have made public statements suggesting that removing Maduro from power is among possible options for the US naval force. Maduro faces a US prosecutors' indictment over alleged drug trafficking and the US has offered a $50mn bounty for his capture. Venezuela this week passed a law obligating the general population to defend Maduro's regime, with the president calling for "maximum preparation". Additional military forces have not been highly visible in the capital of Caracas in recent days. Interior minister Diosdado Cabello threatened members of Venezuela's political opposition, saying "don't say we didn't warn you" if the US "does anything to any of us." Opposition leader Maria Corina Machado said from hiding late on Wednesday that Venezuela is "in the final hours" of what will be a "peaceful transition." But the US military resources assembled in the Caribbean suggest that a full blown invasion is not likely. Trump's deployment of the US military has been more limited so far this year — bombing Yemen's Houthis and Iran, and quickly declaring victory. "Attacks on the cartels have the advantage that the US can walk away at any time ... claiming that it damaged cartel operations and thereby reduced the flow of drugs into the US," Cancian and Park wrote. The Trump administration has told US lawmakers that its military operations are a "non-international armed conflict" with an unspecified group of "designated terrorist organizations". A legal opinion written by Trump's Justice Department in late July — and shared with the US Congress in early November — did not explicitly mention Venezuela and merely asserted the right to target trans-national criminal organizations anywhere, by all means. By Haik Gugarats Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

API pitches revamp of biofuel exemptions: Update


13/11/25
13/11/25

API pitches revamp of biofuel exemptions: Update

Updates throughout New York, 13 November (Argus) — The American Petroleum Institute (API) is pitching the White House and biofuel groups on a total revamp of how the US exempts oil companies from a program that requires biofuel blending, according to three people familiar with the lobbying group's work. API recently withdrew its support for a bill that would authorize 15pc ethanol gasoline (E15) year-round on its frustrations with changes to biofuel policy this year that oil companies see as too friendly to farmers and to some small refining competitors. The US for instance recently granted small oil refiners generous hardship waivers from a biofuel blend mandate and proposed requiring larger companies to blend more biofuels in future years as an offset. API's pitch — shared at a White House meeting this week — would require that companies seeking program exemptions must show that economic hardship stems directly from the biofuel program, a more stringent requirement than today, according to two of the people familiar with the group's work. Exemptions would also be restricted to companies with limited collective refining capacity, cutting off larger enterprises like Delek and Par Pacific that own multiple small units that qualify now. Smaller companies like Ergon and Kern Oil could still request waivers, but the total pool of potentially exempted gas and diesel volumes would be far lower. The oil group then wants the US to prohibit hiking other oil companies' blend requirements to offset those exemptions, a tougher sell to biofuel and crop groups that fear unchecked program waivers curb demand for their products. Larger merchant refiners that do not qualify for small refinery relief have also long pushed lawmakers for updates to the program and would not benefit from this proposal. API's idea is to pass legislation pairing updates to the small refinery exemption program with year-round authorization of E15, generally prohibited in the summer without emergency waivers because of summertime fuel volatility restrictions that do not apply to typical 10pc ethanol gasoline. That's a top priority for ethanol companies, otherwise at risk from an increasingly efficient and electric light-duty vehicle fleet. Congress last year nearly passed narrower E15 legislation, which API supported at the time but no longer does without more changes. Courts have struck down past attempts by federal officials to authorize E15 without emergency declarations and to drastically restrict biofuel exemption eligibility, likely limiting what President Donald Trump's administration can do without new legislation. API made the pitch to the White House this week, the sources familiar with API's work said. The White House is hosting other groups for meetings on fuel policy, including another one on Thursday on E15 that featured biofuel groups. Officials from across Trump's administration, including the US Department of Agriculture, have attended. "Administration officials hosted listening sessions with biofuel groups, agriculture and oil refiners to discuss their proposals on year-round E15", a source familiar with the matter said. It is not clear that biofuel advocates, insistent that the Trump administration entirely offset the impact of recent refinery exemptions, are open to the attempted compromise. The ethanol group Renewable Fuels Association declined to comment on E15 talks. Regulatory tweaks to boost ethanol supply would also do little on their own to help producers of other biofuels like renewable diesel. API declined to elaborate on what was discussed at any meetings with the Trump administration. "We appreciate the administration's leadership in bringing stakeholders together to advance a practical solution on E15 and small refinery exemption reform", API said. "We look forward to continuing to work together to advance a framework that supports fuel choice, strengthens the refining and agricultural sectors, and helps ensure a stable, reliable supply for American consumers." Under the Renewable Fuel Standard, the US requires oil refiners and importers to annually blend different types of biofuels or buy credits from those that do. The administration is late setting new biofuel quotas for 2026 but is expected to do so in the coming months, kicking off a flurry of last-minute lobbying about future volumes, exemptions and potential cuts to credits from foreign fuels and feedstocks. By Cole Martin Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

US LPG loses market share in Brazil


13/11/25
13/11/25

US LPG loses market share in Brazil

Houston, 13 November (Argus) — US LPG suppliers lost market share in Brazil to imports from Argentina despite a decline in US Gulf coast propane and butane prices. Brazil imported 982,240t of LPG year-to-date October this year, Vortexa data shows. Argentinian supplies comprised 49.5pc of Brazil's imports at 486,400t for the 10-month period, up 17.8 percentage points from a year earlier. Brazil took 47.2pc of its LPG from the US at 463,700t year-to-date October, down by 18.3 percentage points from the same period a year earlier. Brazil's shift toward Argentinian-sourced LPG comes even as prices decreased for full-propane and split butane/propane cargoes loading at the US Gulf coast. US propane export cargo prices slid to $429.1/t year-to-date October this year, from $487.7/t in the same months a year earlier. US split butane/propane loaders dipped to $442.8/t from $499.2/t in the same time period. Brazil's shift away from lower priced US supplies suggests Argentinian cargoes may be more price competitive. Part of the price competitiveness may stem from more economically favorable freight rates for short-haul distances given Argentina's geographical advantage that allows Brazil to offtake Argentina's growing LPG supplies. Brazil may continue to import more LPG from neighboring Argentina as domestic demand there is expected to grow between 5-8pc with the government's incoming Gas do Povo subsidy scheme, according to LPG association Sindigas president Sergio Bandeira de Mello. The subsidy scheme will distribute vouchers for free LPG cylinders to more than 15mn qualifying low-income homes in remote areas of Brazil in an effort to push families away from cooking with firewood and charcoal. The country's four main distributors — Copa Energia, Nacional Gas, Supergasbras and Ultragaz — account for nearly 90pc of the domestic market and have already confirmed that demand under the program will be met by LPG imports. This will come from countries other than the US, most notably from nearby Argentina. By Giovann Rosales Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Turkey could be LNG gateway for east Europe


13/11/25
13/11/25

Turkey could be LNG gateway for east Europe

London, 13 November (Argus) — Turkey has higher LNG regasification capacity than Greece, but the country's rising consumption is weighing on excess gas for export and its closed market creates challenges for traders, while Greece faces grid congestion issues but has promising investments and a more open market. Greece has a 5.4mn t/yr LNG import terminal at Revithoussa, which could feed the grid with a maximum of 82 TWh/yr if operating at full capacity. Additionally, there is a 4.3mn t/yr terminal at Alexandroupolis, with a theoretical capacity of 66 TWh/yr. Combined, Greece's LNG processing capacity totals 9.7mn t/yr, equal to 148 TWh/yr, or — using Desfa's conversion rate — about 12.7bn m³/yr. But both terminals operate at much lower utilisation rates. Revithoussa supplied 18.2TWh to the grid throughout 2024, averaging 50 GWh/d. Traders said that LNG prices were less competitive than Russian pipeline gas during that year. And Revithoussa's sendout increased to 79 GWh/d during the first 10 months of this year, which, if sustained for the full year, would be roughly 29TWh. While low sendout indicates spare capacity at Revithoussa, Greek infrastructure constraints remain. The country faces compression limitations both south-north and east-west. With the recently added compression station at Komotini, Desfa announced that northward export capacity has been raised to 8.5bn m³/yr, or about 99 TWh/yr. This figure is the maximum export capacity at the Sidirokastro and Komotini interconnection points, but delivering gas to these points can still be problematic. For Revithoussa supply, the Ampelia compressor station, located in central Greece, is critical. Desfa had stated that this project would be completed in the last quarter of this year, but no update has yet been provided. And Alexandroupolis went offline for extended maintenance in January this year soon after it started operations. Its operator was only able to increase its maximum sendout capacity to 75pc of its technical limit by late October. In any event, a bottleneck persists in the northern Greek system. Capacity at the Amfitriti point, where Alexandroupolis supply enters the grid, will be capped at 44 GWh/d through the 2025-30 gas years — about 16 TWh/yr or 1.4bn m³/yr — according to Desfa . Turkey as an alternative supply route? Turkey currently operates five LNG import terminals, three FSRU-based and two onshore facilities, with a total sendout capacity of 161mn m³/d. Overall sendout capacity equals 625 TWh/yr, more than four times Greece's total, based on Turkish state-run Botas' conversion rate. The Strandzha 1/Malkoclar point, which directly connects the Turkish to the Bulgarian grid, has a technical outflow capacity of 43 TWh/yr and remains underutilised. Firms exported a total of 16.3TWh at the point to Bulgaria in the first 10 months of this year, and 18.8TWh in all of 2024. Turkish energy minister Alparslan Bayraktar and senior Botas executives have stated multiple times that they can increase the capacity two to four times in a short period, provided there are long-term commitments from potential European buyers. This suggests an export potential of 10bn m³/yr in the short term, in theory exceeding Greek export capacity. That said, record high Turkish consumption in the past winter , and scope for further growth might weigh on excess supply for export. Turkey's main drawbacks include a closed market and heavy dominance by a single actor. Although regulator EPDK maintains a regulatory framework on paper comparable to western Europe, according to many traders, Botas holds clear dominance in practice. Transparency remains low, and the lack of a free trade forces companies to rely on Botas. These factors lowered Turkey's rating in Energy Traders Europe's 2025 report , while Greece rose. Bulgarian transit Bulgaria is working to develop its south-north transport capacity. Bulgarian state-owned supplier Bulgargaz and Botas signed a 13-year deal in January 2023 for Bulgarian access to Turkish LNG terminals. Bulgargaz can transfer up to 1.5bn m³/yr of gas from the Turkish transmission system to Bulgaria through Malkoclar under this agreement, but this agreement has occasionally been criticised and underutilised . And the inflow capacity from Greece via the Kulata/Sidirokasto will initially reach 37.2 TWh/yr, equal to 3.5bn m³/yr, over the next few years, according to the Bulgarian operator's most recent 10-year plan . The Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria also provides 3bn m³/yr, but its capacity will not increase in the short term . This means that Bulgaria is initially targeting import capacity of 6.5bn m³/yr from Greece. By Ugur Yildirim Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Mexico climate pledge clashes with refinery push


13/11/25
13/11/25

Mexico climate pledge clashes with refinery push

Houston, 13 November (Argus) — Mexico's updated climate pledge sets its most ambitious emissions target, but the plan sits in sharp contrast to the government's push to increase crude processing and fuel output at state-owned Pemex's refinery system. Mexico submitted its new nationally determined contribution (NDC) ahead of this month's UN Cop 30 summit in Belem, Brazil, committing for the first time to an absolute cap on greenhouse gas emissions of 364–404mn t of CO2 equivalent (CO2e) by 2035, or 332–363mn t CO2e with international support. The target represents a cut of more than 50pc from a business-as-usual trajectory, according to the environment ministry, and aligns with Mexico's long-term commitment to reach net zero by 2050. But while Mexico promises steep emissions reductions, it is simultaneously doubling down on a fossil-heavy industrial strategy centered on reviving its aging refining system, boosting domestic output of gasoline and diesel and limiting private-sector participation across the downstream chain. Mexico's refineries — most of which regularly run at below 50–60pc of capacity — remain among Mexico's largest stationary emitters, with high rates of flaring, residual fuel oil production and energy inefficiency. The government has also poured billions of dollars into the new 340,000 b/d Olmeca refinery and continues to prioritize increasing crude throughput at the legacy system, even as maintenance shortfalls, outages and unplanned shutdowns remain common. Pemex processed about 950,000 b/d of crude across its seven domestic refineries in September, up by 8pc from a year prior and 57pc higher than the 604,300 b/d processed in September 2018, before former president Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador took office. Mexico's refining-heavy strategy took shape under Lopez Obrador, who made fuel self-sufficiency the centerpiece of his administration after years of under-investment and declining output at Pemex's refining system. His government moved away from the 2014 energy reform and proposed constitutional changes that would free Pemex from its obligation to operate as a "productive state company." The shift enabled greater political influence over Pemex's operations and reinforced a nationalistic focus on refining, even as the company posted financial losses and saw its crude output fall to 40-year lows. President Claudia Sheinbaum's administration has continued that trajectory. Backed by a congressional supermajority that allows her party to advance Lopez Obrador's reforms, Sheinbaum has maintained the emphasis on fuel self-sufficiency and continued to expand Pemex's role through increased state support. Mexico's NDC frames climate policy as compatible with economic development, job creation and "just transition" principles. But the plan is still vague on specific mitigation actions for the refining sector. "Mexico's ambition is clear, but delivering on these goals will require deep structural transformation and a clear, sustained investment strategy," said Francisco Barnes Regueiro, executive director of the environmental non-governmental organization the World Resources Institute in Mexico. Meanwhile, the government maintains policies and proposed reforms that favor Pemex and state utility CFE over private-sector companies, limiting private investment in cleaner fuels and renewable electricity. The lack of incentives for low-carbon technologies, combined with an aggressive push to increase domestic production of gasoline and diesel, contradicts the technical requirements implied by the emissions cap, according to market sources. The contradiction becomes more pronounced as Mexico prepares for the Cop 30 negotiations. Mexico, which now joins more than 50 countries that have updated their NDCs, will likely face scrutiny over how its energy agenda fits within its climate ambitions. For now, the gap between Mexico's stated targets and its refining-focused policy framework remains wide. Without clear measures to reduce emissions from Pemex's refining system, expand low-carbon fuels and introduce stronger regulatory incentives, the new NDC risks becoming another aspirational document. Pemex's crude throughput '000b/d Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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