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Von der Leyen faces new Green Deal challenges

  • : Biofuels, Electricity, Hydrogen, Natural gas
  • 24/07/19

The president promises a ‘clean industrial deal', but will need to make compromises over climate policy, writes Dafydd ab Iago

Ursula von der Leyen's re-election by the European Parliament as president of the European Commission on 18 July promises to see a doubling down on climate and energy policy, with her 2024-29 mandate stipulating greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions cuts of at least 90pc by 2040 compared with 1990.

"I have not forgotten how [Russian president Vladimir] Putin blackmailed us by cutting us off from Russian fossil fuels. We invested massively in homegrown cheap renewables and this enabled us to break free from dirty Russian fossil fuels," von der Leyen says, promising to end the "era of dependency on Russian fossil fuels". She has not given an end date for this, nor specified if this includes a commitment to ending Russian LNG imports.

Von der Leyen went on to detail political guidelines for 2024-29. She has pledged to propose a "clean industrial deal" in the first 100 days of her new mandate, albeit without giving concrete figures about how much investment this would channel to infrastructure and industry, particularly for energy-intensive sectors. The clean industrial deal will help bring down energy bills, she says.

Von der Leyen told parliament that the commission would propose legislation, under the European Climate Law, establishing a 90pc emissions-reduction target for 2040. Her political guidelines also call for scaling up and prioritising investment in clean technologies, including grid infrastructure, storage capacity, transport for captured CO2, energy efficiency, power digitalisation and a hydrogen network. She plans to extend aggregate demand mechanisms beyond gas to include hydrogen and critical raw materials, and notes the dangers of dependencies and fraying supply chains — from Putin's energy blackmail to China's monopoly on battery and chip raw materials.

Majority report

Passing the necessary legislation to implement her stated policies will now require approval from EU states and parliament. Unless amplified by Germany's election next year, election victories by far-right parties in France and elsewhere appear not to threaten EU state majorities for specific legislation.

Parliament's political centre-left S&D and liberal Renew groups, as well as von der Leyen's own centre-right European People's Party (EPP), have elaborated key policy requests. These broadly call for the continuation of the European Green Deal — a set of legislation and policy measures aimed at 55pc GHG emissions reductions by 2030 compared with 1990.

A symbolic issue for von der Leyen to decide on — or compromise on — is that of internal combustion engine (ICE) vehicles. EPP wants to stick to technological neutrality and revise the current mandate for sales of new ICE cars to be phased out by 2035, if they cannot run exclusively on carbon-neutral fuels. The EPP wants an e-fuel, biofuel and low-carbon fuel strategy. Von der Leyen's guidelines reflect the need to gain support from centre-right, centre-left and greens. She says the 2035 climate neutrality target for new cars creates investor and manufacturer "predictability" but requires a "technology-neutral approach, in which e-fuels have a role to play". She has not mentioned carbon-neutral biofuels.

It will be impossible for von der Leyen to satisfy all demands in her second mandate. This includes policy requests put forward by the EPP, ranging from a "pragmatic" definition of low-carbon hydrogen and market rules for carbon capture and storage, to postponing the EU's deforestation regulation.

EU member states are expected to propose their candidates for commissioners in August, including for energy, climate and trade policy, with von der Leyen's new commission subject to a final vote in parliament in late October.


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25/03/24

Estonian climate ministry to push for EU ETS 2 repeal

Estonian climate ministry to push for EU ETS 2 repeal

London, 24 March (Argus) — Estonia's parliament has granted the country's climate ministry a mandate to push for the repeal or postponement of the EU's second emissions trading system (ETS 2) covering road transport and buildings, scheduled to launch in 2027. The Estonian parliament's EU affairs committee granted the ministry a mandate to begin consultations with the European Commission and EU member states on repealing the EU ETS 2 directive, because of the administrative burden and uncertainty posed by transposing the measure. If Estonia fails to garner sufficient support, it will join existing proposals by the Czech Republic and Poland to postpone the introduction of the new system for two years. This additional time could be used to find a way to limit the burden of imposing the measure, the committee said. These proposals would require a qualified majority of EU member states to pass. If not adopted, Estonia's climate ministry would instead start negotiations to postpone the launch of the system to 2028 or exclude road transport from its scope. The committee approved the mandate — which followed positions submitted by the government and subsequent amendments and opinions by the parliament's environment and economic affairs committees — "after a long and heated political debate", its chairman Peeter Tali said. The commission last year adopted a supply cap of 1.036bn carbon allowances in 2027 for the new system, which will cover upstream emissions from fuel combustion in buildings, road transport and small industry not covered by the existing EU ETS. For the first three years of operation, the system will have a price cap of €45/t of CO2 equivalent, adjusted for inflation, which if surpassed for a period of two months would trigger the release of 20mn allowances from its market stability reserve. By Victoria Hatherick Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Electricity drove surge in energy demand in 2024: IEA


25/03/24
25/03/24

Electricity drove surge in energy demand in 2024: IEA

London, 24 March (Argus) — Electricity demand drove a jump in overall global energy consumption growth in 2024, lifting it well above the average pace of increase in recent years, energy watchdog the IEA said today. Global energy demand rose by 2.2pc in 2024 — higher than the average annual demand increase of 1.3pc between 2013 and 2023 — according to the Paris-base agency's Global Energy Review . Global electricity consumption rose by 4.3pc, driven by record-high temperatures that led to increased cooling demand, growing industrial consumption, the electrification of transport and from data centres and artificial intelligence, the IEA said. Renewables and nuclear covered the majority of growth in electricity demand, at 80pc, while supply of gas-fired power generation "also increased steadily", it said. New renewable power capacity installations reached around 700GW in 2024 — a new high — while renewable power sources and nuclear together made up 40pc of total generation in 2024, it said. Global gas demand rose by 2.7pc in 2024, with an increase in "fast growing Asian markets", the IEA said. It noted growth of more than 7pc and 10pc in China and India, respectively. But "growth in global oil demand slowed markedly in 2024", the organisation said. Oil demand rose by 0.8pc — compared with 1.9pc in 2023 — and oil's share of total energy demand fell below 30pc last year "for the first time ever". A rise in electric vehicle (EV) purchases was a key contributor to the drop in oil demand for road transport, and this offset "a significant proportion" of the rise in oil consumption for aviation and petrochemicals, the IEA said. The rate of increase in coal demand slowed to 1.1pc in 2024, half the pace seen in 2023. "Intense heatwaves" in China and India "contributed more than 90pc of the total annual increase in coal consumption globally", for cooling needs, the IEA found. Renewables limit rise in emissions The IEA repeatedly noted the significant effect that extreme weather in 2024 had on energy systems and on demand patterns. Last year was the hottest ever recorded, beating the previous record set in 2023. "Weather effects contributed about 15pc of the overall increase in global energy demand", the IEA said. Global cooling degree days were 6pc higher in 2024 on the year, and 20pc higher than the 2000-20 average, it said. But the "continued rapid adoption of clean energy technologies" restricted the rise in energy-related CO2 emissions, which fell to 0.8pc in 2024 from 1.2pc in 2023, the IEA said. Energy-related CO2 emissions still hit a record high of 37.8bn t in 2024, but the rise in emissions was lower than global GDP growth, it said. "The majority of emissions growth in 2024 came from emerging and developing economies other than China," the IEA said. Emerging and developing economies accounted for more than 80pc of the increase in global energy demand last year, it said. By Georgia Gratton Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

US hydrogen hype gives way to more practical prospects


25/03/21
25/03/21

US hydrogen hype gives way to more practical prospects

Developers have reined in expectations, seeking faster commerciality for more specific applications, writes Jasmina Kelemen Houston, 21 March (Argus) — Hydrogen's one-time promise as a wonder fuel has been replaced in 2025 with a more practical understanding of its limitations, a momentum shift welcomed by industry proponents who gathered in Houston, Texas, last week at the CERAWeek by S&P Global energy conference. It has been a roller-coaster ride for the sector since the administration of President Joe Biden zeroed in on hydrogen as a means of reducing emissions and creating jobs, unveiling generous tax incentives in 2022's Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). A frenzy of project proposals soon followed. That excitement dissolved into a frustrating wait as the administration embarked on a years-long review process that only concluded in January with the release of finalised rules for the 45V production tax credits, leading some to conclude the hydrogen dream had crashed before take-off. The reality is more nuanced. "The death of hydrogen has been greatly exaggerated," Chevron's vice-president of hydrogen, Austin Knight, said at CERAWeek. "There are real projects actually happening," he said, pointing to the company's ACES Delta joint venture with Mitsubishi Power. The Utah project is forecast to initially convert 220MW of renewable power into 100 t/d of hydrogen, and will begin operations this year. Whittling the sector down to its most realistic prospects is a welcome departure from previous years, when hydrogen was viewed as the "Swiss army knife" of fuels — a tool that could be used to solve almost any problem — Oleksiy Tatarenko, senior principal at Rocky Mountain Institute, said. It is now being viewed as a more precise approach for specific applications in ‘hard-to-abate' industries such as steel and chemicals, he said. BP still sees hydrogen as an important component to decarbonising refineries, but its deployment timeline will be longer than expected, BP's senior vice-president of refining, terminals and pipelines, Amber Russell, said. BP has scaled back hydrogen plans, shelving 18 projects since October. Of those remaining, two include refineries in countries with fiscal incentives for hydrogen production, and near other industries looking to cut emissions. BP's 440,000 b/d Whiting refinery in Indiana could have similar potential, Russell said, but "45V ...and the IRA are incredibly important to helping us understand when that happens". One among many Hydrogen's shifting position in the clean energy landscape could even be seen in the CERAWeek conference's floor plan this year. In a space for showcasing new technologies and ideas, the Hydrogen Hub of previous years had disappeared, replaced by a New Energies Hub, under which hydrogen was just one of multiple clean-energy solutions on display, along with biofuels, nuclear power and other renewables. "That is a positive thing for this space writ large," GTI Energy's Open Hydrogen Initiative executive director, Zane McDonald, said. "We are starting to get very practical," he said. "We want to focus on projects that are going to make money, that have an offtaker and can materialise in the next two years." Among the projects expected to take off most rapidly are those that can tap into demand for lower-carbon fuels in Europe and Asia or more modestly sized US producers located near specialty industries that are looking to curb emissions. "The quality of the projects we're seeing in our pipeline is better," said Black & Veatch hydrogen and ammonia director Bryan Mandelbaum, who sees a growing niche for 10-200MW projects targeting heavy industries such as chemical processors. He contrasted this favourably with a flurry of clients that appeared after the 45V tax was first announced. "It was good for business in the short term, but at the same time you knew 80pc of those were never going to develop." Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

US strikes Houthis with eye on Iran — to what end?


25/03/21
25/03/21

US strikes Houthis with eye on Iran — to what end?

Stoking regional tensions to get Tehran to the negotiating table appears unlikely to have Trump's desired outcome, write Nader Itayim and Bachar Halabi Dubai, 21 March (Argus) — As US president Donald Trump's administration intensifies its military campaign against Yemen's Houthis, it has issued yet another stark warning to Iran and its leadership — end support for the rebel group or face "dire" consequences. The ultimatum is in line with the ‘maximum pressure' approach Trump has adopted to force Iran back to the negotiating table. But success looks far from certain. This past week saw US forces carry out a series of air strikes against Houthi targets, soon after the rebel group said it would restart attacks on Israeli ships passing through the Red Sea and Arabian Sea, the Bab el-Mandeb strait and Gulf of Aden after Tel Aviv ignored a Houthi warning to resume the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza. The Houthi threat since late 2023 has severely curtailed international shipping lanes in the Red Sea, impacting the global economy. The Trump administration says its campaign has set out to put an end to that. The US' "economic and national security has been under attack by the Houthis for too long", Washington says. And rising shipping rates, as a result, have probably increased global consumer goods inflation by 0.6-0.7pc, according to the White House. The diversion of oil and LNG flows has been stark (see charts). Trump's message to the Houthis is that their "time is up". Although Trump's predecessor, Joe Biden, also carried out air strikes against the group, observers say the latest attacks are not just more of the same. "Is this a different campaign? 100pc it is," says Mohammed al-Basha, founder of the US-based Basha Report security advisory. Some sites targeted in the Houthi-held capital Sana'a are "a first", he says, signalling that the Houthi leadership is now firmly in Washington's crosshairs for the first time since 2015, he says. The current campaign is also more proactive than the strikes that took place last year, says general Joseph Votel, a former commander of US Central Command, which is overseeing the attacks. "Last year, our approach was more defensive, and focused on protecting ships passing through the area," he says. But this campaign is larger in scope, more geographically dispersed and more intense. Votel says the Trump campaign is more "counter-terrorism focused", which indicates a more targeted and sustained approach to degrade Houthi capabilities and put pressure on its network. Also, there is a subtle change in the strategic messaging, according to Votel. While the Biden administration mostly focused on preventing an expansion of the regional conflict, the Trump administration is making clear that its focus is on "restoring freedom of commerce and navigation". While slight, this change "takes us from a defensive posture to an offensive one", he says. Threats and opportunities Arguably, the biggest distinction between the two strategies is the degree to which Iran, the Houthis' main backer, appears to have featured in the administration's calculations before launching this latest campaign. "The hundreds of attacks being made by [the] Houthis… all emanate from, and are created by, Iran," Trump wrote via his social media platform on day three of the strikes, by which point the Houthis had claimed two retaliatory attacks on the USS Harry S Truman aircraft carrier in the Red Sea. "Every shot fired by the Houthis will be looked upon, from this point forward, as being a shot fired from the weapons and leadership of Iran, and Iran will be held responsible, and suffer the consequences, and those consequences will be dire!" This kind of tough-talking rhetoric is in keeping with Trump's strategy of applying pressure on Iran's leadership to the point that it has no choice but to negotiate the future of its nuclear programme, and ideally, more than that. "It's very clear the US wants to see sweeping concessions from Iran on the nuclear file, on the regional proxy file, and probably the missile and drone programme," says Gregory Brew, senior analyst at US consultancy Eurasia Group. "Trump ultimately wants a deal. But he also wants to look tough and push the Iranians into a deal that aligns with his maximalist view." After Iran's other regional proxies — Gaza-based Hamas and Lebanese Hezbollah — saw their capabilities heavily degraded at the hands of Israel last year, the Houthis are one of the last remaining pieces in what Tehran calls its regional ‘Axis of Resistance'. In a letter sent to Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, earlier this month, Trump says he encouraged Iran's ultimate decision maker to "make a deal" or face military action. Iran has since confirmed receipt of the letter, but is yet to formally respond, with foreign minister Abbas Araqchi saying this week that its contents are still being evaluated. "Trump's letter is mostly a threat, but he also claims it has opportunities. We are evaluating it and paying attention to all points," he says. Iran's response "will not take long", Araqchi says. But the mood music coming out of Tehran over the past two weeks has not been positive. "You've had Khamenei's tough rhetoric, laying out a tough line for everybody that [they] are not going to talk to the US," Brew says. But "Araqchi and others have clarified that what they are really pushing back against is the sense of talking under pressure. They don't want to appear as if they are succumbing to Trump's pressure. They do want to talk, but from a position of relative strength". Carrot and multiple sticks So long as Washington continues to turn the sanctions screw on Iran — just this week the Treasury for the first time imposed sanctions on a small Chinese refiner over its purchases of Iranian crude — prospects for de-escalation, or nuclear diplomacy, look slim. This raises the question — what next? For now, Trump's inferred threats of military action against Iran look premature, says Arman Mahmoudian, a research fellow at the Global and National Security Institute, especially in response to Houthi actions. Trump seems to be "employing a Reagan-era ‘peace-through-strength' strategy… focused on demonstrating force, particularly by targeting the Axis of Resistance, which is currently in a fragile position", Mahmoudian says. "By launching the strikes, Trump is signalling he has both the capability and willingness to escalate if necessary. That said, I feel his ultimate goal is negotiations, not full-scale war." Brew agrees, describing the Houthis as "an easy target". They "have been redesignated a terrorist organisation [by the US] and are in an entrenched position. So bombing them gives this administration the chance to look tough, and appear to be applying pressure on Iran, without having to take action directly". But if Washington expects such military action against the Houthis to trigger a change in posture or behaviour from the Iranians, they might be disappointed. "The Iranians won't really care if the Houthis are getting bombed. [The group has shown] over the years that they can absorb these kinds of attacks," Brew says. "But also, Iran doesn't have the same influence over, or relationship with, the Houthis as it does Hezbollah or the Shia militias in Iraq." The commander-in-chief of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has suggested as much, insisting this week that the Houthis "make their own strategic decisions" and that Iran "has no role" in determining their policies or activities. With both sides seemingly keen to talk, a return to negotiations in the not-too-distant future cannot be ruled out. But the sudden escalation of tensions in the Mideast Gulf region, following the collapse of the ceasefire in Gaza, will almost certainly make things more difficult than they already were. Oil flows through Suez Canal LNG flows through Suez Canal Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Low snowpack, rain may lift Italian summer power prices


25/03/21
25/03/21

Low snowpack, rain may lift Italian summer power prices

London, 21 March (Argus) — Low snowpack and hydro reserves in Italy may increase the call on gas-fired power plants this summer, likely supporting power prices in days when renewable generation is weakest. Hydro generation from run-of-river installations, pumped-storage plants and hydroelectric reserves accounted for almost 20pc of the power mix on average over 2020-24 in the third quarter — the second-highest share after the second quarter at 22.2pc — compared with gas-fired generation covering 45pc. But prevailing conditions suggest that without unusually wet weather this summer, Italian rivers could be drier than normal, limiting scope for hydro output and potentially opening more space for gas in the power mix, driving up electricity prices. Snow water equivalent — or the estimated water content of snow — moved back to a deficit to last year's levels on 23 February after showing signs of improvement over the first three weeks of the month, according to Italian meteorological association Cima. Snowpack was at a deficit of 57pc to the 2011-23 average as of 8 March, narrowing slightly compared with a 58pc deficit around the same time in February. The deficit in the Po basin, which accounts for almost half of Italy's snow water resource, is currently at a 44pc deficit to the seasonal norm, Cima data show. In the Apennines, the Tiber basin is at a 95pc deficit to the long-term average, marking the worst balance of the last 13 years. And hydro reserves have been at a consistent deficit to last year since January and moved to a deficit to the five-year norm in the middle of February. Rainfall in Malpensa and Paganella, in the north of the country, was at an average deficit of almost 2 mm/d and 1.6 mm/d, respectively, to the seasonal norm over November and December last year. While precipitation picked up in January and moved to a surplus to the norm of 1.9 mm/d in Malpensa and 1.4 mm/d in Paganella, minimum temperatures were 1.6°C above the long-term average in Milan, reducing snow accumulation. The latest data show that hydro reserves have picked up for the first time this year in week 11, reaching 2.1TWh and narrowing their deficit to the 2020-24 average to 0.8pc compared with 5.2pc a week earlier. Still, they remain 6.6pc below last year, with the deficit standing even wider at 9.1pc, when compared with the 2015-24 average. Looking ahead, forecasts indicate that minimum temperatures in Milan will hold around 2°C above the 10-year norm until the end of April, possibly leading some snowmelt to support run-of-river generation early in the second quarter, when power demand is typically at its lowest. But this would also leave less snow to melt later in the summer, when cooling demand peaks and drives up overall demand for electricity. While solar capacity increased steadily by over 500MW a month last year, the share of the power mix covered by solar output in the third quarter of 2024 remained almost unchanged from the same period in 2023. Assuming a similar monthly growth in photovoltaic (PV) capacity this year, the solar load factor is expected to increase by 1.8 percentage points to 17.8pc in the third quarter of 2025 on the year. This means that even if solar capacity and output continue growing, it may not be enough to offset a lack of hydro generation in the third quarter of this year, and thermal generation may still need to cover a significant amount of residual demand. The third quarter of 2025 has averaged €135.85/MWh ($146.83/MWh) so far this quarter, well above an average €91.60/MWh seen over the same period last year. Clean spark spreads for 55pc-efficient gas-fired units for the third quarter of 2025 have averaged around €19.60/MWh since the start of the year, compared with an average of €15.50/MWh over the same time last year. As solar and wind capacity is set to increase over the coming years to reach a national target of 110GW by 2030, renewable output will cover an increasing share of Italian electricity demand — estimated to reach 335TWh in 2028. Thermal plants may become less economically viable and will likely be decommissioned unless they are kept operating through ancillary services. But turning on gas-fired plants from cold and with a stop-start operation would lead to exaggerated costs and higher maintenance prices, Argus heard on the sidelines of the KEY25 Energy Transition Expo in Rimini earlier this month. This could lead to electricity prices spiking in periods of scarce hydro availability, as hydro-run-of river is Italy's largest single source of renewable generation, accounting for 17pc of the power mix last year compared with less than 5pc of hydro-pumped storage and reservoirs. By Ilenia Reale Italian hydro stocks TWh Gas and hydro output, hydro reserves GW, TWh Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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