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Brazil, climate fund to invest $1bn in hydrogen hubs

  • Market: Hydrogen
  • 04/10/24

Brazil's energy ministry has entered into a partnership with the Washington-based Climate Investment Fund (CIF) to disburse 6bn reals ($1.1bn) for the implementation of hydrogen hubs in the country.

The programme will aim to promote decarbonisation of industrial activities in Brazil through use of low-carbon and renewable hydrogen. A call for projects supplying hard-to-abate sectors will open, according to the ministry, but no dates have been released yet.

CIF will provide "low-cost financing" to help cover "everything from engineering projects to the acquisition of equipment and working capital", the ministry said.

Establishing hydrogen hubs across the country by 2035 is one of the goals of Brazil's hydrogen programme. The hubs will feature production, storage and transportation facilities connecting to local demand from different sectors.

The funds will leverage Brazil's "vast wealth of energy products and the creativity of our industrial sector", energy minister Alexandre Silveira said.

The announcement comes a few days after Brazil finalised a law to create a tax credit scheme for low-carbon and renewable hydrogen production. The programme will allocate R18.3bn for producers and consumers of low-carbon hydrogen in 2028-32.


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06/11/24

EU expected to approve climate, energy commissioners

EU expected to approve climate, energy commissioners

Brussels, 6 November (Argus) — Former Danish climate minister Dan Jorgensen is expected to be confirmed late this month as EU energy and housing commissioner, having received clear support after his hearing in front of EU parliament members. Similarly, centre-right political support is expected to ensure a vote for reconfirmation of Wopke Hoekstra as climate commissioner. Jorgensen has received approval from the joint hearing committee, after his hearing yesterday. During the hearing, he promised a plan for affordable energy, a roadmap to end Russian energy imports, a clean energy investment plan and an electrification action plan. He focused on cost, noting the need to work towards lower energy prices in Europe and recognised nuclear energy as "part of the solution". But Jorgensen avoided giving detail on contentious issues, adding no precise date for an end to Russian energy imports. Although he backed a 2040 renewables target, he gave no approximate percentage share, or range, for renewables in final energy consumption by that date. German member Christian Ehler said his centre-right EPP group would "in the end" support Jorgensen following "reasonable" performance. Ehler wants the future commissioner's statements on hydrogen and related delegated acts, especially on low-carbon hydrogen, to be "concretised quickly". Industry group SolarPower Europe welcomed Jorgensen's clarity around not seeking fundamental changes to electricity market rules, but their proper implementation. A power industry source, though, pointed to his "other ideas" on specifics, notably on how to increase market liquidity . Documents prepared for the 7 November hearing of current climate commissioner Wopke Hoekstra give little concrete detail on revision of the bloc's emissions trading system (ETS). Hoekstra is expected to take a similarly cautious approach as that of designated EU agriculture commissioner Christophe Hansen on ETS integration to cut agriculture's 11pc share of EU greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. But Hoekstra is expected to be more open about using the 2026 ETS review to lower thresholds for EU ETS inclusion from 2031, including for maritime shipping, bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (Beccs) and direct air capture with carbon storage (Daccs). The European Parliament is expected to vote on the new commissioners during its 25-28 November plenary in Strasbourg. By Dafydd ab Iago Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Trump unlikely to fully end US clean energy policies


04/11/24
News
04/11/24

Trump unlikely to fully end US clean energy policies

Houston, 4 November (Argus) — Although former US president Donald Trump has promised to end climate policies enacted during the administration of President Joe Biden, the political complications of reversing course make a full change of direction unlikely should Trump return to the White House. Trump has frequently criticized Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), promising to terminate the " Green New Scam " and rescind all unspent funds in the Biden administration's climate policy suite, if he is elected to a second term. But fulfilling that pledge may be difficult for many reasons, not least of which is whether Republicans have control of both chambers of Congress after Tuesday's election, including the unlikely outcome of a 60-seat majority needed to bypass a Senate filibuster. Beyond the math, Republican districts are benefiting from IRA funding, with some lawmakers from Trump's party already opposing the turmoil that could arise from an about-face on tax policy. "There's no way they're going to be able to replace and repeal the IRA, in large part because so many of the dollars are flowing to [Republican] states," said David Shepheard, a partner at consultant Baringa who specializes in energy and resources. "I think the pieces of the IRA that are most at risk are the [electric vehicle] tax credits, potentially some of the stimulative pieces around offshore wind." The IRA established a host of federal incentives to support clean electricity growth and the associated domestic supply chain. Those include technology-agnostic production and investment tax credits for electricity generators based on their emissions intensities. But the law went well beyond the power sector and also established credits for hydrogen production, electric vehicles and the manufacture of components needed by clean electricity systems. Project developers are counting on a policy trajectory that does not match Trump's rhetoric, which would allow some incentives to stay on the books. Companies expect market forces, such as corporate demand, and state mandates to continue to drive growth for solar and onshore wind and energy storage, rather than national politics. But there is more trepidation around offshore wind, a less mature sector for which the federal government is effectively the landlord for project sites. "There is no doubt that the trajectory of the US offshore wind industry will be impacted by the November election," Liz Burdock, chief executive of offshore wind industry group Oceantic Network, said. "Its outcome will influence how we maintain our momentum." Uncertainty around the US presidential election has dampened private investment in the sector this year, according to Oceantic. At the same time, companies say the industry has come a long way since 2016, with a handful of projects now operating, while recent macroeconomic challenges are subsiding. Furthermore, demand for offshore wind would continue at the state level, and these factors could make the industry more resilient to headwinds. Executive decisions Trump still could use the executive branch to "stonewall" sectors helped by the IRA in the absence of a repeal, including by influence the timing or distribution of IRA funds, according to Shepheard. He could shift regulators' priorities to new oil and gas development, which, along with other actions, could make resources such as combined-cycle natural gas plants more attractive than renewables. "The extent that renewables and other cleaner energy assets are competing with gas, that'll be the big change from a Trump administration," Shepheard said. At the same time, funding for onshore wind and solar is "relatively safe", and tax credits for hydrogen and carbon capture are on comparably firm ground because of support from the oil and gas industry, Shepheard said. Some companies have expressed cautious optimism that some elements of the IRA, such as the advanced manufacturing tax credit, will survive. The incentive is not only important for the solar supply chain but also offshore wind, as state-level solicitations often require developers to invest in local manufacturing. Republican states in the US southeast have already benefited from new factories springing up on the back of the credits. For example, Enel chose Oklahoma for a new new module plant , First Solar located a factory in Alabama and Qcells has expanded production in Georgia. Moreover, removing that carrot could leave the US solar industry reliant on Chinese companies, which could run afoul of Trump's protectionist trade instincts. Trump's campaign did not respond to multiple requests to elaborate on his policy plans. By Patrick Zemanek Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Mexican hydrogen regulatory efforts gain ground


01/11/24
News
01/11/24

Mexican hydrogen regulatory efforts gain ground

Mexico City, 1 November (Argus) — The Mexican hydrogen association (AMH2) has made significant strides in recent discussions with regulators and officials, unveiling a comprehensive roadmap for industrial hydrogen adoption. The group's report estimates there will be demand for about 392,189 tonnes (t) of hydrogen per year across seven major industries during Mexico's pilot hydrogen development phase. This includes sector-specific hydrogen demands of 148,350 t/yr from oil refining through 10 potential applications; 107,325 t/yr for mining; 55,877 t/yr for hydrogen blending in natural gas; 23,932 t/yr in the metals industry; 35,040 t/yr tied to ammonia production; 15,265 t/yr for public transport; and 6,400 t/yr for methanol production. AMH2's strategy urges the administration of President Claudia Sheinbaum to designate a lead ministry for hydrogen development, prioritize green hydrogen production and introduce incentives for project financing, technology development and energy transition initiatives. Additionally, it calls for regulatory adaptations to facilitate hydrogen's integration into Mexico's natural gas infrastructure, including quality, transportation, distribution and safety standards, especially for industrial equipment. Legal reforms to support hydrogen development will also be needed, according to the report, targeting laws governing mining, water, hydrocarbons, nuclear energy, energy transition, environmental protection, electric power, bioenergy and geothermal power. For green hydrogen — generated with renewable energy — the focus would be on the latter five areas. These efforts align with Mexico's long-term energy plan (Prodesen 2023-2037), which envisions converting 12 combined cycle power plants, totaling 1.024GW, to operate on a 70pc natural gas and 30pc hydrogen blend between 2033 and 2036. AMH2 president Israel Hurtado said although Mexico's pipeline infrastructure could handle up to a 15pc green hydrogen blend, achieving a 30pc blend would require further technological advances expected over the next decade. Prodesen also identifies regions for hydrogen injection into pipeline networks, including Sonora, Sinaloa, Tamaulipas, Oaxaca, Veracruz, Baja California and the Yucatan peninsula. Yet new regulations will be crucial to establish a robust framework for hydrogen blending in existing infrastructure. The Sheinbaum's administration has committed to reducing carbon emissions and promoting clean energy, Hurtado said, with a $13.5bn investment pledge in renewables over six years and a target for 45pc of national power from renewables by 2030. AMH2 has built early connections with Sheinbaum's team, including Jorge Islas, her energy and climate advisor during the campaign, who now heads the energy ministry's (Sener) energy transition unit and supports green hydrogen initiatives. AMH2 leaders also recently met with energy regulator (CRE) president Leopoldo Melchi and commissioner Walter Jimenez, who expressed strong interest in hydrogen regulation. The association and CRE agreed to form a technical workgroup to develop clean hydrogen regulations collaboratively. Looking ahead, AMH2 plans to meet with energy minister Luz Elena Gonzalez and Mexico's economy ministry to further discuss the hydrogen strategy. But CRE's workgroup is on hold pending potential legislative reforms that could reorganize Mexico's energy regulators under Sener's supervision. Projects in development AMH2 has identified 16 hydrogen projects in Mexico, with eight in various development stages and eight announced. Primarily focused on green hydrogen, these projects represent an estimated $19bn investment. The largest, Helax, is a $10bn green hydrogen production facility in Oaxaca, connected to the Interoceanic Trans-Isthmus Corridor. AMH2 anticipates production to start within two years following initial permitting. The roadmap suggests that, even if only six projects are operational by 2030, the sector could generate 3.351GW and attract $1.8bn in investments. These projects are projected to bring in $2.5bn in revenue over six years and yield $1.9bn in tax contributions. By James Young Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Q&A: EU-GCC eye alliance anchored in energy, security


31/10/24
News
31/10/24

Q&A: EU-GCC eye alliance anchored in energy, security

Dubai, 31 October (Argus) — Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and the start of the war in Gaza last year hastened the strengthening of relations between the EU and the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) ꟷ something both blocs had long been striving for. Argus sat down with the EU's special representative for the Gulf region and former Italian foreign minister Luigi di Maio at the Future Investment Initiative in Riyadh this week to discuss his hopes for the future of the relationship. You spoke at the conference about a comprehensive EU-GCC trade agreement. Such a thing has been on the table for a while without really moving forward. Could the first ever EU-GCC summit two weeks ago in Brussels provide the push needed for it to happen? The final statement of the summit clearly emphasised the importance of finalising the negotiation in a positive way, and reaching the free trade agreement at a regional level as soon as possible. Then we can start tailor-made negotiations on trade and investments. This can work in complementarity with the free trade agreement, for instance, on investments and energy co-operation bilaterally. This doesn't mean we are going to kill the free trade agreement at the regional level, but there are some sectorial co-operations that we can implement. This is a very good starting point. I would say the summit was ‘the message' because although our co-operation agreement dates back to the late 1980s, it was the first ever summit. Of course, that also testifies to the gap that we have to fill. This is why the EU approved the new strategy and why there is a special representative to implement this strategy. And why we are working with the Gulf countries to negotiate and implement [it] as soon as possible. Riyadh is where we opened the first ever European Chamber of Commerce in the GCC. The EU and Saudi Arabia are going to sign an energy co-operation MoU by the end of the year. The text has been discussed, and now we will work for the signature. What are the elements of this energy agreement with Saudi Arabia? It is a new framework to co-operate, particularly, on renewables, hydrogen, and technologies linked to renewables. This is very important, and currently in the hands of the EU commissioner for energy, Kadri Simson, and Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman, the energy minister of Saudi Arabia. Speaking of hydrogen, Prince Abdulaziz spoke here about Saudi Arabia being one of the lowest-cost producers of hydrogen. We also know that hydrogen is a major element of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor [IMEC] agreement signed at the G20 summit in New Delhi. Is the IMEC project still on the table? And is this growing hydrogen relationship between the EU and the GCC part of it? First, the lesson we, the EU, learned is diversification. So, it's very important to implement our diversification policy on any kind of energy source. It is not only linked to oil, gas or hydrogen, or in general, technologies, raw materials and production. Then there is the issue of how much we can count on the suppliers. The Gulf countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar and others have always been reliable partners. This is why we see the energy co-operation as a pillar of our partnership. On hydrogen, there is a mutual interest to meet our ambitions. Our ambition, according to the European Commission's REPowerEU proposal, is for the EU to produce 10mn t of hydrogen on its soil by 2030, and import another 10 mn t. Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Oman are working with our companies and member states to export hydrogen to Europe. And I think the development of technologies and new projects around that will be at the core of our future co-operation. If you look at Vision 2030, here in Saudi Arabia, but even in the UAE and in the other countries, many of the goals are in line with our REPowerEU, NextGenerationEU, or the European Green Deal proposals. So there is momentum, and we are taking it. We are trying to fill the gap of the past. And the very important thing, not only about hydrogen, but even about the climate co-operation that is in our final statement [of the EU-GCC summit], is that it's not an "Una tantum" [one-off] event. We are working to have the ministerial foreign ministers' meeting in Kuwait next year and the next EU-GCC summit in Saudi Arabia in 2026. We have a long road ahead to implement the deliverables of the last summit, but also to improve our co-operation on renewables. There was a significant breakthrough at Cop 28 with the mention of fossil fuels in the final declaration. Do you see the growing EU-GCC relationship as a leverage to push GCC countries on their climate agendas and goals? The approach should not be that we push them on their climate agendas. We are working together. And thanks to the multilateral relations, ambitions and policies that we have, we can, even in view of Cop 29, co-ordinate in the same way we did at Cop 28. This is very important, because thanks to their influential foreign policy, on Africa, on central Asia, even sometimes on Latin America, and our ambitions and partners around the world, we can merge our relations to take another step forward on climate policy. But as you said, Cop 28 was historic, as consensus was the most ambitious result of the UN climate Cops, and I think we have to continue on this path together. It is not a matter of pushing someone. It's a matter of co-operation. Our level of partnership with GCC has to switch at a strategic level. We want to create a strategic partnership on peace and prosperity. This is our agreed ambition on both sides. Speaking of peace and prosperity, Iran is involved indirectly in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and its direct confrontation with Israel leaves the GCC sandwiched in the middle. How do you see the EU working with the GCC to attain peace and prosperity, given the increased insecurity in the region? We share with the GCC the interest of peace, prosperity and stability of the region. Because if you look at these countries, what are they doing on Ukraine, like returning children and prisoner exchanges… They are very active, and we appreciate their efforts. So my perception is that the more we work with the GCC on regional stability, the more we will achieve results, because we have a common agenda. They will be very important for the future of the two-state solution, but also for the stability of Lebanon. Even for conveying messages of de-escalation to Iran. The channels with Iran have to be open… to convey messages about nuclear, ballistic missiles, about weapons to Russia for use against Ukraine, and the ‘Axis of Resistance' policy in the region, about the Red Sea and the freedom of navigation. We have to use all the channels we have and the channels the GCC have are precious because of the normalisation processes in the region, just like the Iran-Saudi Arabia one. By Bachar Halabi Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Cepsa rebrands to Moeve to reflect sustainability shift


30/10/24
News
30/10/24

Cepsa rebrands to Moeve to reflect sustainability shift

Madrid, 30 October (Argus) — Spain-based integrated energy company Cepsa has changed its name for the first time in its 95 years of existence, to Moeve (pronounced Moo-eh-vey). The change reflects Cepsa's transition "in which the majority of profits will come from sustainable activities by the end of this decade," said chief executive Maarten Wetselaar. Cepsa has sold nearly 70pc of its oil and gas production over the past two years, including its stakes in upstream assets in Abu Dhabi , in Peru and in Colombia . It has retained stakes in light crude and gas production in Algeria, which has a significantly lower carbon footprint. The company reported provisional working interest crude production of 36,000 b/d in July-September, down from 80,000 b/d in the same period of 2021. Since then it has announced an €8bn ($8.65bn) investment strategy to decarbonise much of its business through ventures such at the planned 2GW Andalusian Hydrogen Valley , announced at the end of 2022, together with second-generation biofuels, biomethane and renewables development. Cepsa, or Compañia Espanola de Petroleos SA, was founded in 1929. It has been been majority controlled by Abu Dhabi sovereign wealth investors IPIC and Mubadala Investment Company since 2011. US investment fund Carlyle acquired 37pc of the firm in 2019. By Jonathan Gleave Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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