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Mexico not treating US fuel firms equally: API

  • Market: Oil products
  • 15/06/20

US-based participants in Mexico's fuel market face discriminatory treatment from Mexican authorities, including delays in permits and unfair inspections, the American Petroleum Institute (API) said.

That treatment undermines the soon-to-expire North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and its replacement the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), to take effect on 1 July, the association said in a letter signed by its executive president Michael Sommers addressed to US secretary of state Michael Pompeo; secretary of commerce Wilbur Ross; secretary of energy Dan Brouillette and the US trade representative Robert Lighthizer.

Some recent actions by the government "discriminate against US investors in violation of commitments that Mexico agreed to in both NAFTA and USCMA," Sommers' letter said.

API's members in Mexico have complained that the energy regulatory commission (CRE) "prolongs administrative processes for permits to transfer legal ownership that are by regulation supposed to be granted within 90 days."

Consumer protection watchdog agency (Profeco) has also shut down fuel pumps "for minor or non-existent infractions for pump and hose reliability and for measurement accuracy," at retail fuel stations run by US-based companies, API said.

Some of these inspections were made with the presence of the national guard, API said.

US fuel market participants are also facing a stricter enforcement of the standard fuel quality. Pemex receives waivers for these imports, but fuel importers must meet the tougher specifications for US summer-grade gasoline. The ministry of energy (Sener) has delayed, rejected and restricted gasoline and diesel import permits.

API's members also claimed that US companies will be affected by the upcoming fuel storage policy that requires a minimum of five days' worth of inventories.

Yet, "state-owned Pemex owns and operates most of the certified storage capacity, since some of the other participants in the industry have not been able to construct new storage facilities due to unjustified delays in granting the required permits," API said.

US companies such as Chevron, Costco, ExxonMobil, Marathon Petroleum and more recently Valero entered the Mexican fuel market after the 2014 energy reform, which broke state-owned Pemex's monopoly.

So far, out of the roughly 12,500 retail fuel stations in Mexico, close to 30pc or 4,000 operate under a brand other than Pemex.

Most of this growth stems from the purchase and conversion of existing Pemex retail fuel stations to new brands, for which CRE issues permits.

President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador supports a policy of returning Pemex to the center of the energy industry and making Mexico self sufficient in its fuel needs.


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24/03/25

Estonian climate ministry to push for EU ETS 2 repeal

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London, 24 March (Argus) — Estonia's parliament has granted the country's climate ministry a mandate to push for the repeal or postponement of the EU's second emissions trading system (ETS 2) covering road transport and buildings, scheduled to launch in 2027. The Estonian parliament's EU affairs committee granted the ministry a mandate to begin consultations with the European Commission and EU member states on repealing the EU ETS 2 directive, because of the administrative burden and uncertainty posed by transposing the measure. If Estonia fails to garner sufficient support, it will join existing proposals by the Czech Republic and Poland to postpone the introduction of the new system for two years. This additional time could be used to find a way to limit the burden of imposing the measure, the committee said. These proposals would require a qualified majority of EU member states to pass. If not adopted, Estonia's climate ministry would instead start negotiations to postpone the launch of the system to 2028 or exclude road transport from its scope. The committee approved the mandate — which followed positions submitted by the government and subsequent amendments and opinions by the parliament's environment and economic affairs committees — "after a long and heated political debate", its chairman Peeter Tali said. The commission last year adopted a supply cap of 1.036bn carbon allowances in 2027 for the new system, which will cover upstream emissions from fuel combustion in buildings, road transport and small industry not covered by the existing EU ETS. For the first three years of operation, the system will have a price cap of €45/t of CO2 equivalent, adjusted for inflation, which if surpassed for a period of two months would trigger the release of 20mn allowances from its market stability reserve. By Victoria Hatherick Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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German Rhine oil product barge demand rises sharply


24/03/25
News
24/03/25

German Rhine oil product barge demand rises sharply

Hamburg, 24 March (Argus) — The closure of Shell's 147,000 b/d Wesseling refinery and a power unit failure at the Miro refinery have led to increased demand for oil products barges on the Rhine this week, although low water levels significantly drove freight costs up. Heating oil prices in the Cologne area have risen since mid-March, with Shell looking to supply the area through barge imports since it has shut down crude processing at Wesseling. Meanwhile, buyers are increasingly switching to alternative loading points in neighboring regions, which has raised product sales in a few tank farms along the Rhine and Main rivers. Suppliers now need more barges for resupply, shipping operators said. Demand for barges has also increased from the 310,000 b/d Miro refinery in Karlsruhe after one of the power plants failed on 18 March, which affected production temporarily. Market participants shipped more Naphtha by barge toward Amsterdam-Rotterdam-Antwerp (ARA) or other inland locations. Demand for oil product deliveries to the refinery has also increased. The combination of low water levels on the Rhine and increased demand for barges towards the end of week ending 23 March have pushed freight rates up, particularly on the Main and upper Rhine. The water level at Kaub over the weekend fell to 1.10 m, forcing loading capacity to be reduced by more than half. More barges are needed to transport the same amount of product, and shippers expect freight rates to rise further this week. By Johannes Guhlke Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Electricity drove surge in energy demand in 2024: IEA


24/03/25
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24/03/25

Electricity drove surge in energy demand in 2024: IEA

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US strikes Houthis with eye on Iran — to what end?


21/03/25
News
21/03/25

US strikes Houthis with eye on Iran — to what end?

Stoking regional tensions to get Tehran to the negotiating table appears unlikely to have Trump's desired outcome, write Nader Itayim and Bachar Halabi Dubai, 21 March (Argus) — As US president Donald Trump's administration intensifies its military campaign against Yemen's Houthis, it has issued yet another stark warning to Iran and its leadership — end support for the rebel group or face "dire" consequences. The ultimatum is in line with the ‘maximum pressure' approach Trump has adopted to force Iran back to the negotiating table. But success looks far from certain. This past week saw US forces carry out a series of air strikes against Houthi targets, soon after the rebel group said it would restart attacks on Israeli ships passing through the Red Sea and Arabian Sea, the Bab el-Mandeb strait and Gulf of Aden after Tel Aviv ignored a Houthi warning to resume the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza. 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Some sites targeted in the Houthi-held capital Sana'a are "a first", he says, signalling that the Houthi leadership is now firmly in Washington's crosshairs for the first time since 2015, he says. The current campaign is also more proactive than the strikes that took place last year, says general Joseph Votel, a former commander of US Central Command, which is overseeing the attacks. "Last year, our approach was more defensive, and focused on protecting ships passing through the area," he says. But this campaign is larger in scope, more geographically dispersed and more intense. Votel says the Trump campaign is more "counter-terrorism focused", which indicates a more targeted and sustained approach to degrade Houthi capabilities and put pressure on its network. Also, there is a subtle change in the strategic messaging, according to Votel. While the Biden administration mostly focused on preventing an expansion of the regional conflict, the Trump administration is making clear that its focus is on "restoring freedom of commerce and navigation". While slight, this change "takes us from a defensive posture to an offensive one", he says. Threats and opportunities Arguably, the biggest distinction between the two strategies is the degree to which Iran, the Houthis' main backer, appears to have featured in the administration's calculations before launching this latest campaign. "The hundreds of attacks being made by [the] Houthis… all emanate from, and are created by, Iran," Trump wrote via his social media platform on day three of the strikes, by which point the Houthis had claimed two retaliatory attacks on the USS Harry S Truman aircraft carrier in the Red Sea. "Every shot fired by the Houthis will be looked upon, from this point forward, as being a shot fired from the weapons and leadership of Iran, and Iran will be held responsible, and suffer the consequences, and those consequences will be dire!" This kind of tough-talking rhetoric is in keeping with Trump's strategy of applying pressure on Iran's leadership to the point that it has no choice but to negotiate the future of its nuclear programme, and ideally, more than that. "It's very clear the US wants to see sweeping concessions from Iran on the nuclear file, on the regional proxy file, and probably the missile and drone programme," says Gregory Brew, senior analyst at US consultancy Eurasia Group. "Trump ultimately wants a deal. But he also wants to look tough and push the Iranians into a deal that aligns with his maximalist view." After Iran's other regional proxies — Gaza-based Hamas and Lebanese Hezbollah — saw their capabilities heavily degraded at the hands of Israel last year, the Houthis are one of the last remaining pieces in what Tehran calls its regional ‘Axis of Resistance'. In a letter sent to Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, earlier this month, Trump says he encouraged Iran's ultimate decision maker to "make a deal" or face military action. Iran has since confirmed receipt of the letter, but is yet to formally respond, with foreign minister Abbas Araqchi saying this week that its contents are still being evaluated. "Trump's letter is mostly a threat, but he also claims it has opportunities. We are evaluating it and paying attention to all points," he says. Iran's response "will not take long", Araqchi says. But the mood music coming out of Tehran over the past two weeks has not been positive. "You've had Khamenei's tough rhetoric, laying out a tough line for everybody that [they] are not going to talk to the US," Brew says. But "Araqchi and others have clarified that what they are really pushing back against is the sense of talking under pressure. They don't want to appear as if they are succumbing to Trump's pressure. They do want to talk, but from a position of relative strength". Carrot and multiple sticks So long as Washington continues to turn the sanctions screw on Iran — just this week the Treasury for the first time imposed sanctions on a small Chinese refiner over its purchases of Iranian crude — prospects for de-escalation, or nuclear diplomacy, look slim. This raises the question — what next? For now, Trump's inferred threats of military action against Iran look premature, says Arman Mahmoudian, a research fellow at the Global and National Security Institute, especially in response to Houthi actions. Trump seems to be "employing a Reagan-era ‘peace-through-strength' strategy… focused on demonstrating force, particularly by targeting the Axis of Resistance, which is currently in a fragile position", Mahmoudian says. "By launching the strikes, Trump is signalling he has both the capability and willingness to escalate if necessary. That said, I feel his ultimate goal is negotiations, not full-scale war." Brew agrees, describing the Houthis as "an easy target". They "have been redesignated a terrorist organisation [by the US] and are in an entrenched position. So bombing them gives this administration the chance to look tough, and appear to be applying pressure on Iran, without having to take action directly". But if Washington expects such military action against the Houthis to trigger a change in posture or behaviour from the Iranians, they might be disappointed. "The Iranians won't really care if the Houthis are getting bombed. [The group has shown] over the years that they can absorb these kinds of attacks," Brew says. "But also, Iran doesn't have the same influence over, or relationship with, the Houthis as it does Hezbollah or the Shia militias in Iraq." The commander-in-chief of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has suggested as much, insisting this week that the Houthis "make their own strategic decisions" and that Iran "has no role" in determining their policies or activities. With both sides seemingly keen to talk, a return to negotiations in the not-too-distant future cannot be ruled out. But the sudden escalation of tensions in the Mideast Gulf region, following the collapse of the ceasefire in Gaza, will almost certainly make things more difficult than they already were. Oil flows through Suez Canal LNG flows through Suez Canal Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Shell ends direct bitumen sales to some German buyers


21/03/25
News
21/03/25

Shell ends direct bitumen sales to some German buyers

London, 21 March (Argus) — Shell will stop directly supplying bitumen to some of its low-volume customers in Germany, with effect from 1 April. Shell told customers it has restructured its bitumen distribution channels and can no longer directly distribute to certain customers, according to an email from Shell's bitumen supply unit in Germany seen by Argus . It recommended they instead buy from German bitumen trading and supply firm Bitumina Handel. Neither Shell Germany nor Bitumina Handel have commented, but Argus understands the oil major, which is one of Europe's leading refinery bitumen producers, has concluded a deal with Bitumina to take over supply to its affected customers. The move is part of a wider switch by Shell to focus more on trading bitumen cargoes and less on directly supplying truck volumes to inland customers. The company ended a long-term throughput and supply arrangement into the French market through the Nantes and Bayonne terminals on the French Atlantic coast. Spain's Repsol and Moeve have taken over those operations . Shell last year ceased its South African bitumen retail and truck supply operations . Shell's European bitumen production is at its 187,000 b/d Godorf refinery in western Germany and at its 447,000 b/d Pernis refinery in Rotterdam. The firm recently stopped processing crude at the 147,000 b/d Wesseling section of its 334,000 b/d Rhineland refinery complex. The effect of that on bitumen production at Godorf, the other section of Rhineland, is unclear. By Fenella Rhodes Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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