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Spanish ceramics sector worried about H2 supply, cost

  • Market: Hydrogen
  • 10/05/24

Supply limitations and high prices of renewable hydrogen will pose a challenge to the Spanish ceramics sector's decarbonisation goals, according to an industry association.

Companies in the sector are mulling the use of renewable hydrogen in their operations, "but it is a real challenge because of the volume that we need and the cost", the general secretary of Spain's association of ceramic tile and flooring manufacturers (ASCER), Alberto Echavarria, told Argus.

The industry currently consumes around 15TWh/yr of natural gas, accounting for nearly 10pc of Spain's industrial gas demand. This would equate to around 380,000 t/yr of hydrogen, based on the higher heating value of 39.39kWh/kg. And it would not be far off the 500,000 t/yr of conventional hydrogen made from natural gas with unabated emissions that Spanish industry as a whole consumes currently.

Making 380,000 t/yr could require some 4GW of electrolyser capacity for the ceramics industry alone, equivalent to over one-third of Spain's 2030 target of 11GW.

In any event, existing technology can support no more than 10pc hydrogen blending in the kilns, Echavarria said. ASCER is in talks with kiln manufacturers developing hydrogen-ready ovens, but these are in a testing phase and are not expected to be available at industrial scale in the near future.

Alternatives for decarbonisation are thin on the ground. Electrifying operations is not a viable option, Echavarria said. While some parts of the ceramic production process can run on electricity, the industry ovens, known as kilns, fire at temperatures reaching 1,200°C, which are much too high for electricity. And the kilns represent 50-60pc of the sector's energy consumption, according to Echavarria.

Another alternative would be to use biomethane or e-methane, at least until hydrogen-fired kilns reach industrial scale. This approach would require minor modifications in facilities and would allow them to continue using the current infrastructure and distribution system. But biomethane is also only available in small volumes, and making e-methane requires electrolytic hydrogen, raising the same issues over supply availability and costs as direct hydrogen use.

Net emissions could also be reduced by implementing carbon capture technology but this would be even less cost-competitive, Echavarria said. It would require mechanisms to concentrate CO2 molecules at a focal point, which is an expensive undertaking, he said.

Piping hot

Future hydrogen use for ceramics production would depend on connections to a hydrogen pipeline system.

Spain's ceramics industry, which is the largest in Europe, is mainly concentrated in Castellon, where more than 150 facilities are based.

It is not practical to "have 150 electrolysers" and produce locally, Echavarria said, not least because the plants would need round-the-clock hydrogen supply to maintain the high temperatures.

ASCER has been collaborating with Spanish gas system operator Enagas on plans for the development of the Spanish hydrogen backbone to ensure access for its companies, he said. Firms have also looked into sourcing hydrogen via trucks, according to Echavarria. But this would require storage facilities, raising costs and safety concerns.


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31/10/24

Q&A: EU-GCC eye alliance anchored in energy, security

Q&A: EU-GCC eye alliance anchored in energy, security

Dubai, 31 October (Argus) — Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and the start of the war in Gaza last year hastened the strengthening of relations between the EU and the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) ꟷ something both blocs had long been striving for. Argus sat down with the EU's special representative for the Gulf region and former Italian foreign minister Luigi di Maio at the Future Investment Initiative in Riyadh this week to discuss his hopes for the future of the relationship. You spoke at the conference about a comprehensive EU-GCC trade agreement. Such a thing has been on the table for a while without really moving forward. Could the first ever EU-GCC summit two weeks ago in Brussels provide the push needed for it to happen? The final statement of the summit clearly emphasised the importance of finalising the negotiation in a positive way, and reaching the free trade agreement at a regional level as soon as possible. Then we can start tailor-made negotiations on trade and investments. This can work in complementarity with the free trade agreement, for instance, on investments and energy co-operation bilaterally. This doesn't mean we are going to kill the free trade agreement at the regional level, but there are some sectorial co-operations that we can implement. This is a very good starting point. I would say the summit was ‘the message' because although our co-operation agreement dates back to the late 1980s, it was the first ever summit. Of course, that also testifies to the gap that we have to fill. This is why the EU approved the new strategy and why there is a special representative to implement this strategy. And why we are working with the Gulf countries to negotiate and implement [it] as soon as possible. Riyadh is where we opened the first ever European Chamber of Commerce in the GCC. The EU and Saudi Arabia are going to sign an energy co-operation MoU by the end of the year. The text has been discussed, and now we will work for the signature. What are the elements of this energy agreement with Saudi Arabia? It is a new framework to co-operate, particularly, on renewables, hydrogen, and technologies linked to renewables. This is very important, and currently in the hands of the EU commissioner for energy, Kadri Simson, and Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman, the energy minister of Saudi Arabia. Speaking of hydrogen, Prince Abdulaziz spoke here about Saudi Arabia being one of the lowest-cost producers of hydrogen. We also know that hydrogen is a major element of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor [IMEC] agreement signed at the G20 summit in New Delhi. Is the IMEC project still on the table? And is this growing hydrogen relationship between the EU and the GCC part of it? First, the lesson we, the EU, learned is diversification. So, it's very important to implement our diversification policy on any kind of energy source. It is not only linked to oil, gas or hydrogen, or in general, technologies, raw materials and production. Then there is the issue of how much we can count on the suppliers. The Gulf countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar and others have always been reliable partners. This is why we see the energy co-operation as a pillar of our partnership. On hydrogen, there is a mutual interest to meet our ambitions. Our ambition, according to the European Commission's REPowerEU proposal, is for the EU to produce 10mn t of hydrogen on its soil by 2030, and import another 10 mn t. Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Oman are working with our companies and member states to export hydrogen to Europe. And I think the development of technologies and new projects around that will be at the core of our future co-operation. If you look at Vision 2030, here in Saudi Arabia, but even in the UAE and in the other countries, many of the goals are in line with our REPowerEU, NextGenerationEU, or the European Green Deal proposals. So there is momentum, and we are taking it. We are trying to fill the gap of the past. And the very important thing, not only about hydrogen, but even about the climate co-operation that is in our final statement [of the EU-GCC summit], is that it's not an "Una tantum" [one-off] event. We are working to have the ministerial foreign ministers' meeting in Kuwait next year and the next EU-GCC summit in Saudi Arabia in 2026. We have a long road ahead to implement the deliverables of the last summit, but also to improve our co-operation on renewables. There was a significant breakthrough at Cop 28 with the mention of fossil fuels in the final declaration. Do you see the growing EU-GCC relationship as a leverage to push GCC countries on their climate agendas and goals? The approach should not be that we push them on their climate agendas. We are working together. And thanks to the multilateral relations, ambitions and policies that we have, we can, even in view of Cop 29, co-ordinate in the same way we did at Cop 28. This is very important, because thanks to their influential foreign policy, on Africa, on central Asia, even sometimes on Latin America, and our ambitions and partners around the world, we can merge our relations to take another step forward on climate policy. But as you said, Cop 28 was historic, as consensus was the most ambitious result of the UN climate Cops, and I think we have to continue on this path together. It is not a matter of pushing someone. It's a matter of co-operation. Our level of partnership with GCC has to switch at a strategic level. We want to create a strategic partnership on peace and prosperity. This is our agreed ambition on both sides. Speaking of peace and prosperity, Iran is involved indirectly in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and its direct confrontation with Israel leaves the GCC sandwiched in the middle. How do you see the EU working with the GCC to attain peace and prosperity, given the increased insecurity in the region? We share with the GCC the interest of peace, prosperity and stability of the region. Because if you look at these countries, what are they doing on Ukraine, like returning children and prisoner exchanges… They are very active, and we appreciate their efforts. So my perception is that the more we work with the GCC on regional stability, the more we will achieve results, because we have a common agenda. They will be very important for the future of the two-state solution, but also for the stability of Lebanon. Even for conveying messages of de-escalation to Iran. The channels with Iran have to be open… to convey messages about nuclear, ballistic missiles, about weapons to Russia for use against Ukraine, and the ‘Axis of Resistance' policy in the region, about the Red Sea and the freedom of navigation. We have to use all the channels we have and the channels the GCC have are precious because of the normalisation processes in the region, just like the Iran-Saudi Arabia one. By Bachar Halabi Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Cepsa rebrands to Moeve to reflect sustainability shift


30/10/24
News
30/10/24

Cepsa rebrands to Moeve to reflect sustainability shift

Madrid, 30 October (Argus) — Spain-based integrated energy company Cepsa has changed its name for the first time in its 95 years of existence, to Moeve (pronounced Moo-eh-vey). The change reflects Cepsa's transition "in which the majority of profits will come from sustainable activities by the end of this decade," said chief executive Maarten Wetselaar. Cepsa has sold nearly 70pc of its oil and gas production over the past two years, including its stakes in upstream assets in Abu Dhabi , in Peru and in Colombia . It has retained stakes in light crude and gas production in Algeria, which has a significantly lower carbon footprint. The company reported provisional working interest crude production of 36,000 b/d in July-September, down from 80,000 b/d in the same period of 2021. Since then it has announced an €8bn ($8.65bn) investment strategy to decarbonise much of its business through ventures such at the planned 2GW Andalusian Hydrogen Valley , announced at the end of 2022, together with second-generation biofuels, biomethane and renewables development. Cepsa, or Compañia Espanola de Petroleos SA, was founded in 1929. It has been been majority controlled by Abu Dhabi sovereign wealth investors IPIC and Mubadala Investment Company since 2011. US investment fund Carlyle acquired 37pc of the firm in 2019. By Jonathan Gleave Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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European firms get ‘Moroccan Offer’ for green NH3


29/10/24
News
29/10/24

European firms get ‘Moroccan Offer’ for green NH3

London, 29 October (Argus) — A group of three European companies has been selected for the first land allocation under the "Moroccan Offer" and intends to produce 200,000 t/yr of renewable ammonia for the European market in a first stage. France's TE H2, a joint venture between TotalEnergies and renewables developer Eren, has joined forces with Danish firms Copenhagen Infrastructure Partners (CIP) and A P Moller to develop the so-called Chbika project in the Guelmim-Oued Noun region on Morocco's Atlantic coast. They are planning to use 1GW of combined solar photovoltaic and wind power in the first phase for electrolysis of desalinated seawater to make hydrogen that will then be converted into ammonia. Production of 200,000 t/yr of ammonia could require some 35,000 t/yr of hydrogen. CIP and TE H2 will oversee development of power generation assets, hydrogen and ammonia plants, and A P Moller will develop a port in the area and associated logistics infrastructure. "This project will constitute the first phase of a development program aimed at creating a world-scale green hydrogen production hub," CIP said, suggesting that the companies could scale up operations at a later stage. The partners have signed a "preliminary contract for land reservation" with the government, CIP said, adding that this is "the first green hydrogen project" selected under the framework of the Moroccan Offer through which Rabat seeks to allocate land rights to project developers and to offer streamlined permitting procedures. The companies have not outlined a timeline for their project, but under the Moroccan Offer's framework they would have around two years to complete front-end engineering design (FEED) studies, before then signing a long-term land agreement. Through this first phase of the Moroccan Offer, Rabat is planning to make 300,000 hectares (ha) of government land available to 10-30 projects. As of early this month, the Moroccan Agency for Solar Energy (Masen), which is leading the process, had received some 40 applications for review. Masen was initially due to announce the first selections by the end of the third quarter. TotalEnergies previously already announced plans for renewable hydrogen production in Morocco, but it was not immediately clear if this joint project with CIP and A P Moller is related to these earlier ventures. Many large renewable hydrogen and ammonia projects are planned across Morocco as developers are hoping to capitalise on favourable renewable power conditions, but all are still in early planning stages. By Pamela Machado Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Consensus grows for green gas policy in Germany


28/10/24
News
28/10/24

Consensus grows for green gas policy in Germany

London, 28 October (Argus) — Germany's two main political parties are beginning to back a national green gas sales quota, increasing the likelihood of its development after the 2025 general election. The German government is yet to put forward a green gas quota proposal, unlike several European neighbours such as Denmark , the Netherlands and Austria . Economy and climate ministry BMWK — led by the Greens — has opted for more active industrial policy to ensure the ramp-up of hydrogen production, rather than a broader green gas policy that would let market prices have more decisive influence over whether hydrogen or alternative green gases prevail. But politicians from the centre-left SPD and centre-right CDU are increasingly referring to a green gas quota as an attractive policy option. The SPD is in government but not in charge of BMWK, while the centre-right CDU is leading the polls for the general election. SPD politicians Bengt Bergt and Andreas Rimkus last year put forward the most concrete proposal yet for such a policy, and it has since found some resonance among politicians and industry. Bergt, the SPD's energy spokesperson, told Argus that he had heard "from a well-placed and high-up source in BMWK that there was ongoing work on a quota solution". BMWK declined to comment on this. CDU politicians too have repeatedly voiced interest for some form of green gas quota. A green gas quota is one option for creating a "lead market" to ensure the most cost efficient delivery of the energy transition, the CDU's deputy head Jens Spahn said in an energy policy paper seen by Argus . The green gas quota is "clearly in the CDU's programme" as a solution, the SPD's Bergt told Argus . With the CDU, SPD and the green-led ministry working towards the plans, Berg said he is looking "quite positively into the future even if it does not come to fruition within this legislative period". The proposal itself Bergt proposes to mandate any supplier of gas to end consumers to evidence a certain proportion of carbon-free or low-carbon gas in its portfolio. This is different to the green gas blending model proposed in other countries. The required proportion of green gas would rise slowly at first to allow for the ramp-up of the hydrogen economy, and takes into account expectations of falling demand later in the next decade, Bergt told delegates at the Handelsblatt Jahrestagung Gas in Berlin earlier this month ( see graph ). The policy foresees that only renewable gases can be used in German gas grids from 2045. Any low-carbon gases could also be used to fulfil this quota, as long as the CO2 savings are equivalent to what they would be if the quota were fulfilled completely with climate-neutral gases. Gases that have lower CO2 emissions per kWh than methane derived from fossil fuels could be used to fulfil the quota for a certain period, including blue hydrogen. But when the CO2-savings targets are high enough, only carbon-neutral renewable gases such as hydrogen or biomethane could be used to meet the quota. In case of non-compliance, utilities would be penalised according to the amount of surplus CO2 emitted compared with the legal pathway, at a minimum cost of €1,200/t CO2. This policy approach would allow Germany to meet its climate goals, ensure security of supply and low energy prices, all while avoiding carbon lock-in effects, at no extra cost to the German state, Bergt said. Gas industry welcomes planning security Several gas industry members agreed with the basic points of the proposal, welcoming the long-term security it could provide for planning horizons. The proposal would answer the hydrogen industry's calls for a policy that supports demand in Germany, panellists at the conference said. But the policy would at the same time allow for price-driven competition between hydrogen and biogas, ensuring the lowest societal cost for decarbonisation, panellists said. Panellists warned against overcomplicating the policy, in light of the general bureaucratic burden. Swiss trading firm MET chief strategy and business development officer Joerg Selbach-Roentgen told Argus in February that the firm was in favour of a green gas blending obligation as it provided a more reliable regulatory framework. A green gas quota is a "valuable instrument to reach the market ramp-up for new gases of all kinds", gas and hydrogen association Zukunft Gas executive director Timm Kehler said at a parliamentary committee hearing late last month. Zukunft Gas praised Bergt's proposal in a position paper in March but asked for further freedoms in compliance, whether through trading of quotas or taking into account uncertain weather-dependent aspects of demand each year. By Till Stehr Percentage of green gas in suppliers' portfolio by year % Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Japan’s election leaves energy policy in limbo


28/10/24
News
28/10/24

Japan’s election leaves energy policy in limbo

Tokyo, 28 October (Argus) — Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its coalition partner Komeito were heavily defeated in the country's election on 27 October, and this is likely to leave the country's energy policy in limbo, especially for nuclear power. The LDP's first defeat in 15 years means no single party holds the majority of seats to govern parliament now. Forming a fresh alliance, if not a coalition government, would be essential for any party, but depending on who teams up with whom, the country's energy policy could deviate from its present course, especially because of the parties' different approaches to nuclear power policy. The LDP and Komeito together won 215 seats, falling short of the 233 seats needed to hold the majority and take control of parliament. The LDP is now faced with the choice of seeking other parties to join its coalition, or to remain as a minority in the government. Komeito could also face challenges in establishing a new structure, as Keiichi Ishii, the leader of the party, was defeated in the election. "We have to take the outcome seriously," said Shigeru Ishiba, the current prime minister and the LDP's governor, indicating he intends to take immediate action for political reforms. But the LDP's weakened position may make it difficult to push for its pro-nuclear energy policy to ensure the country's energy security, economic growth and decarbonisation as part of its 2050 net zero emissions goal. The second-largest opposition party with 38 seats, the Japan Innovation Party (JIP), also called Ishin, holds a similar stance on nuclear policy as the LDP. But it is unwilling to align itself with the current coalition government, because of distrust against the LDP resulting from a political fund scandal that was part of the reason for the current political turmoil within the LDP. JIP is not planning to form a coalition with any parties, said its leader Nobuyuki Baba. The Democratic Party for the People, also named Kokumin, which quadrupled its number of seats to 28, has also promoted the use of domestic nuclear and renewable power sources. Forming an alliance with Kokumin may keep the LDP's nuclear power policy in place. But Kokumin's leader Yuichiro Tamaki has also declined to form a coalition with the LDP and Komeito, although he said that co-operating on a specific agenda could be possible. The biggest opposition party, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ), which won 148 seats, will step up efforts to co-operate with other opposition parties to change the government, according to the party leader Yoshihiko Noda. Noda served as prime minister of Japan and president of the then democratic party of Japan from September 2011 to December 2012. The CDPJ pledged in its manifesto to not build a new nuclear fleet or expand capacity, while pushing for a swift phase-out of existing reactors. The party aims to cut Japan's greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by more than 55pc by 2030 against 2013 levels, and ensure carbon neutrality by 2050, while lifting the share of renewable energy in its power mix to 50pc by 2030 and 100pc by 2050. The climate goal by the CDPJ is ambitious compared with the LDP's strategies so far. Japan's strategic energy plan, which was updated by the LDP-led government in 2021 and is now under review, targets a 46pc reduction in the country's GHG emissions by the April 2030 to March 2031 fiscal year from its 2013-14 level, in line with its goal to have net zero emissions by 2050. The 2030-31 target assumes Japan relies on thermal generation for 41pc of its electricity demand, along with a 36-38pc share for renewables, 20-22pc nuclear power and 1pc hydrogen and ammonia. A special diet session is scheduled to be held before 26 November to appoint the new prime minister. Following the LDP's defeat, it remains unclear if Ishiba, who was just sworn in on 1 October, will be re-elected despite his willingness to hold onto power. By Motoko Hasegawa and Yusuke Maekawa Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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